Quelle: MEW 43 Marx: Ökonomisches Manuskript 1861 bis 1863
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Fremdsprachige Zitate
Die fremdsprachigen Zitate, die im Text in deutscher Übersetzung
gebracht wurden, werden hier nach der Marxschen Handschrift wie-
dergegeben. Das betrifft auch solche Zitate, die Marx nicht voll-
ständig ins Deutsche übersetzt. Unterstreichungen werden wie im
Haupttext durch Kursivschrift, Doppelunterstreichungen durch ge-
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den stillschweigend korrigiert. Wesentliche Abweichungen gegen-
über dem Original sind in Fußnoten vermerkt.
10 "Ce n'est pas la matière qui fait le capital, mais la valeur
de cette matière 1*)." (J.B. Say, "Traité de l'Économie Politi-
que", 3. éd., Paris 1817, t. II, p. 429.)
11 "Capital is commodities." (J-Mill, "Elements of Polit. Econ.",
Lond[on] 1821, [p.] 74.)
11 "Currency employed to productive purposes is capital."
(McLeod, "The Theory and Practice of Banking etc.", Lond[on]
1855, t. I, ch. I.)
12 "The zeal for 'encouraging consumption', as supposed necessary
for trade in general, springs from the real usefulness of it with
regard to the venders of a particular trade." ([p.] 60.) " 'What
we want are people who buy our goods' ... But they have nothing
in the world to give you for your goods, but what you gave them
first. No property can originate in their hands; it must have
corne from your's. Landlords, placemen, stockholders, servants,
be they what they may, their whole means of buying your goods was
once your means, and you gave it up to them." ([p. 61/]62.) "The
object of selling your goods is to make a certain amount of mo-
ney; it never can answer to part with that amount of money for
nothing, to another person, that he may bring it back to you, and
buy your goods with it: you might as weil have just burnt your
goods at once, and you would have been in the same situation."
([p.] 63.) ("An Inquiry into those Principles respecting the Na-
ture of Demand and the Necessity of Consumption, lately ¦¦17¦ ad-
vocated by Mr. Malthus etc.", London 1821.)
12 "Mr. Malthus sometimes talks as if there were two distinct
funds, capital and revenue, supply and demand, production and
consumption, which must take care to keep
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pace with each other, arid neither outrun the other. As if, besi-
des the whole mass of commodities produced, there was required
another mass, fallen from Heaven, I suppose, to purchase them
with ... The fund for consumption, such as he requires, can only
be had at the expense of production." (l.c., [p.] 49, 50.) "When
a man is in want of demand, does Mr. Malthus recommend him to pay
some other person to take off his goods?" ([p.] 55.)
13 "When a thing is bought, in order to be sold again, the sum
employed is called money advanced;, when it is bought not to be
sold, it may be said to be expended." (James Steuart, "Works
etc.", ed. by General Sir James Steuart, his son etc., v. 1, [p.]
274, London 1805. [6])
18 "L'échange est une transaction admirable dans laquelle les
deux contractans gagnent toujours tous deux."
20 ("A cannot obtain from B more corn for the same quantity of
cloth, at the same time that B obtains from A more cloth for the
same quantity of corn.") ("A critical Dissertation on the Nature,
Measures and Causes of Value etc.", London 1825, [p. 65].)
21 ("L'échange qui se fait de deux valeurs égales n'augmente ni
ne diminue la masse des valeurs existantes dans la société.
L'échange de deux valeurs inégales ... ne change rien non plus à
la somme des valeurs sociales, bien qu'il ajoute à la fortune de
l'un ce qu'il ôte de la fortune de l'autre." J.B. Say, "Traité
d'Éc. Pol.", 3. éd., t. II, p. 443, 444, Paris 1817.)
23 "Exchange confers no value at all upon products." ([p.] 169,
Wayland, F., "The Elements of Polit. Economy", Boston 1843.)
23 "effectual demand consists in the power and inclination, on
the part of the consumers, to give for commodities, either by im-
mediate or circuitous barter, some greater portion of all the in-
gredients of capital than their production costs". (Co/. Torrens,
"An Essay on the Production of Wealth", Lond[on¦ 1821, p. 349.)
23 "Profit" (dies eine spezielle Form des Mehrwerts), "in the
usual condition of the market, is not made by exchanging. Had it
not existed before, neither could it after that transaction." (G.
Ramsay, "An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth", Edinburgh 1836,
p. 184.)
24 "The idea of profits being paid by the consumers, is, assu-
redly, very absurd. Who are the consumers?" etc. (p. 183.)
25 "Tous les ordres de marchands ont cela de commun qu'ils
achètent pour revendre." (p. 43, "Réflexions sur la Formation et
la Distrib. des Richesses", (erschien 1766) in den ""uvres" von
Turgot, 1.1, Paris 1844. Edit, von Eugène Daire. [10])
26 "Under the rule of invariable equivalents commerce would be
impossible." (fp.) 67, G. Opdyke, "A Treatise on Polit. Econ.",
New York 1851.)
41 {"Verringert die Subsistenzkost der Menschen durch Verringe-
rung des natürlichen Preises von Nahrung und Kleidung, by which
life is sustained, and wages will ultimately fall, notwithstan-
ding that the demand for labourers may very greatly increase",
(p. 460, Ric[ardo], "Princ. of Pol. Ec.", 3. ed., London 1821.)}
42 {"Aus einer vergleichenden Ubersicht über Kornpreise und Ar-
beitslöhne von der Regierung Edward's III an, also seit 500 Jah-
ren, folgt, daß die earnings of a day's labour in this country
häufiger unter als über einem peck Weizen standen; daß 1 peck
Weizen
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eine Art middle point, aber rather above the middle, about which
the cornwages of labour, varying according to the demand and sup-
ply have oscillated." ([p. 240,] 254, Malthus, "Princip. of P.
Econ. ", London 1836, 2. ed.)}
43 {"Le simple ouvrier, qui n'a que ses bras et son industrie,
n'a rien qu'autant qu'il parvient à vendre à d'autres sa peine
... En tout genre de travail il doit arriver, et il arrive en ef-
fet que le salaire de l'ouvrier se borne à ce qui lui est néces-
saire p"ur lui procurer sa subsistance." ([p.] 10, Turgot,
"Réflexions sur la Formation et la Distribution des Richesses",
(erschien zuerst 1766) "OEuvres", t. I, éd. Eugène Daire, Paris
1844.)}
44 "Mr.Ricardo ingeniously enough, avoids a difficulty, which, on
a first view, threatens to encumber his doctrine, that value de-
pends on the quantity of labour employed in production. If this
principle is rigidly adhered to, it follows, that the value of
labour depends on the quantity of labour employed in producing it
- which is evidently absurd. By a dexterous turn, therefore Mr.
Ricardo makes the value of labour depend on the quantity of la-
bour required to produce wages, or, to give him the benefit of
his own language, he maintains that the value of labour is to be
estimated by the quantity of labour required to produce wages, by
which he means, the quantity of labour required to produce the
money or commodities given to the labourer. This is similar to
saying, that the value of cloth is to be estimated, not by the
quantity of labour bestowed upon its production, but by the quan-
tity of labour bestowed on the production of silver, for which
the cloth is exchanged." ([p.] 50, 51.)
85 "When reference is made to labour as a measure of value, it
necessarily implies labour of one particular kind and a given du-
ration; the proportion which the other kinds bear to it being
easily ascertained by the respective remuneration given to each."
([J. Cazenove, p.] 22, 23, "Outlines of Pol. Ec. ", London 1832)
90 "Labour is the agency by which capital is made productive of
wages, profit, or revenue." (p. 161, John Wade, "History of the
Middle and Working classes etc.", 3. ed., London 1835.)
91 "la valeur fait le produit". (Say, "Cours Complet.", p. 510.
[32])
92 "Le sol est nécessaire; le capital est utile. Et le travail
sur le sol, produit le capital." ([p.] 288, t. III, Paris 1857,
Colins, "L'Economie Politique. Source des Révolutions et des Uto-
pies prétendues Socialistes.")
92 "Ail capital" {hier capital in dem bloß stofflichen Sinn}
"consists really in commodities ... The first capital must have
been the result of pure labour. The first commodities could not
be made by any commodities existing before them." ([p.] 72, James
Mill, "Elements of Pol. Ec.", London 1821.)
93 "Labour and Capital ... the one immediate labour ... the
other, hoarded labour, that which has been the result of former
labour." ([p.] 75.) (l.c.)
93 "When the labourers receive wages for their labour ... the ca-
pitalist is the owner, not of the capital only," (in diesem
stofflichen Sinn) "but of the labour also. If what is paid as wa-
ges is included, as it commonly is, in the term capital, it is
absurd to talk of labour separately from capital. The word capi-
tal, as thus employed, includes labour and capital both." (James
Mill, l.c., [p.] 70, 71.)
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94 "The great object of the monied capitalist, in fact, is to add
to the nominal amount of his fortune. It is that, if expressed
pecuniarily this year by 20000 l. z.B.; it should be expressed
pecuniarily next year by 24000 l. To advance his capital, as
estimated in money, is the only way in which he can advance his
interest as a merchant. Die importance dieser objects für ihn
nicht affiziert durch fluctuations in der currency oder by a
change in the real value of money. Z.B. in einem Jahr komme er
von 20 auf 24000 l., durch einen Fall im Wert des Geldes mag er
nicht have increased his command über die comforts etc. Dennoch
ebensosehr sein Interesse, als wenn das Geld nicht gefallen wäre;
denn sonst, his monied fortune would have remained stationary und
sein real wealth would have declined in the proportion of 24 to
20 ... commodities also nicht das terminating object des trading
capitalist, außer im Verausgaben seiner revenue und in Ankäufen
für die sake of consumption. In the outlay of his capital, and
when he purchases for the sake of production, money is his termi-
nating object." ([p.] 165/166, Thomas Chalmers, "On Political
Economy in Connection with the Moral State and Moral Prospects of
Society", 2. ed., Lond[on] 1832.)
95 "It is impossible to designate, or express the value of a com-
modity, except by a quantity of some other commodity." ([p.] 26,
l.c.) "Instead of regarding value as a relation between 2 ob-
jects, they" (the Ricardians) (und Ric. selbst) "consider it as a
positive result produced by a definite quantity of labour." ([p.]
30, l.c.) "Because the values of A and B, according to their
doctrine, are to each other as the quantities of producing la-
bour, or ... are determined by the quantities of producing la-
bour, they appear to have concluded, that the value of A alone,
without reference to anything else, is as the quantity of its
producing labour. There is no meaning certainly in the last
proposition." (p. 31, 32.) Sie sprechen von "value as a sort of
general and independent property". ([p.] 35, l.c.) "The value of
a commodity must be its value in something." (l.c.)
95 "Value is a relation between contemporary commodities, because
such only admit of being exchanged for each other; and if we com-
pare the value of a commodity at one time with its value at
another, it is only a comparison of the relation in which it
stood at these different times to some other commodity."
96 "comparing commodities at different periods"
108 "The material undergoes changes ... The instruments, or ma-
chinery, employed ... undergo changes. The several instruments,
in the course of production, are gradually destroyed or consumed
... The various kinds of food, clothing, and shelter, necessary
for the existence and comfort of the human being, are also chan-
ged. They are consumed, from /62/ time to time, and their value
reappears, in that new vigor imparted to his body and mind, which
forms a fresh capital, to be employed again in the work of pro-
duction." ([p.] 32, F. Wayland, "The Elements of Polit. Econ.",
Boston 1843.)
129 "These affected ways of talking constitute, in great part,
what M. Say calls his doctrine ... 'Si vous trouves', sagt er p.
36 zu Malthus 'une physionomie de paradoxe à toutes ces proposi-
tions, voyez les choses qu'elles expriment, et j'ose croire
qu'elles vous paraîtront fort simples et fort raisonnables.'
Doubtless; and, at the same time, they will very probably appear,
by the same process, not at all original or important.
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'Sans cette analyse je vous défie d'expliquer la totalité des
faits ; d'expliquer par exemple comment le même ¦¦72¦ capital est
consommé deux fois: productivement par un entrepreneur et impro-
ductivement par son ouvrier.' It seems to be agreed, 'dans plusi-
eurs parties de l'Europe', to call a fantastical mode of expres-
sion a fact." (l.c., p. 110, N. XI.)
130 "He" (the workman) "is a productive consumer to the person
who employs him and to the state but not strictly speaking to
himself." (p. 30, Malthus, "Definitions in Pol. Ec.", ed. John
Cazenove, London 1853.)
130 "Circulating Capital consists only of subsistence and other
necessaries advanced to the workmen, previous to the completion
of the produce of their labour." ([p.], 23, Ramsay, George, "An
Essay on the Distribution of Wealth", Edinburgh 1836.) "Fixed ca-
pital alone, not circulating, is properly speaking a source of
national wealth." (l.c.) "Were we to suppose the labourers not to
be paid until the completion of the product, there would be no
occasion whatever ¦¦73¦ for circulating capital."
131 "Die Produktion würde ebenso groß sein. Dies beweist, daß
circulating capital is not an immediate agent in production, not
even essential to it at all, but merely a convenience rendered
necessary by the deplorable poverty of the mass of the people. "
([p.] 24, l.c.)
131 "merely a convenience rendered necessary by the deplorable
poverty of the mass of the people", [p. 24.]
131 "The fixed capital" (Arbeitsmaterial und Arbeitsmittel)
"alone constitutes an element of cost of production in a national
point of view." ([p.] 26, l.c.)
132 "Le capital est cette portion de la richesse produite qui est
destinée à la reproduction." p. 364.
133 "est-ce" (die matière première) "vraiment là un instrument de
production? n'est-ce pas plutôt l'objet sur lequel les instru-
ments producteurs doivent agir?" (p.367, leçons etc.) Nachher er-
klärt er: "instrument de production, c. à. d. une matière qui
agit sur elle même, qui est à la fois l'objet et le sujet, le pa-
tient et l'agent", (p. 372, l.c.)
136 "Ceux qui n'envisagent la science économique que du point de
vue des entrepreneurs, et qui ne considèrent que le produit net
et échangeable que chaque entrepreneur peut se procurer, ceux-là
ne doivent pas en effet appercevoir de différence entre un homme,
"n b"uf et une machine à vapeur: il n'est à leurs yeux qu'une
question qui soit digne d'une attention sérieuse, c'est la que-
stion du prix de revient, la question de savoir, combien coûte à
l'entrepreneur ce qu'il demande à la vapeur, au b"uf, à
l'ouvrier." (Rossi, "De la Méthode en Economie Politique etc.",
p. 83, in "Economie Politique. Recueil de Monographies etc.", an-
née 1844, 1.1, Bruxelles 1844.)
137 "Wenn der Arbeiter von seiner Revenue lebt, wenn er von der
Retribution seiner Arbeit lebt, comment voulez-vous que la même
chose figure deux fois dans le phénomène de la production, dans
le calcul des forces productives, une fois comme rétribution du
travail et une seconde fois comme capital?" (p. 369, leçons.)
141 "Chacun pouvant attendre les produits de son travail, la
forme actuelle du salaire pourrait disparaître. Il y aurait so-
ciété entre les travailleurs et les capitalistes, comme il y a
société aujourd'hui entre les capitalistes proprement dits et les
capital"stes qui sont en même temps travailleurs." (p. 371.)
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141 "Concevoir la puissance du travail, en faisant abstraction
des moyens de subsistance des travailleurs, pendant l'oeuvre de
la production, c'est concevoir un être de raison. Qui dit tra-
vail, qui dit puissance du travail, dit à'ia fois travailleurs et
moyens"de subsistance, ouvrier et salaire ... le même élément re-
paraît sous le nom de capital; comme si la même chose pouvait
faire à la fois partie de deux instruments distincts de la pro-
duction." (p. 370, 371, l.c.)
142 "Salaire haben no productive power; sie sind der Preis einer
productive power. Wages kontribuieren nicht außer der Arbeit, zur
Produktion von Waren" {sollte heißen: zur Produktion von Produk-
ten, Gebrauchswerten}, "nicht mehr als der Preis der Maschinen
dazu kontribuiert along with the machines themselves. Könnte Ar-
beit ohne Kauf gehabt werden, wages might be dispensed with." (p.
[90/J91, John St. Mill, "Essays upon some unsettled questions of
Polit. Econ.", London 1844.)
142 "Le capital est toujours d'une essence immatérielle, parce
que ce n'est pas la matière qui fait le capital, mais la valeur
de cette matière, valeur qui n'a rien de corporel." (Say, p. 429,
"Traité d'É. Pol.", 3. édit., t. II, Paris 1817.) oder Sismondi:
"Le capital est une idée commerciale." (Sism., LX [48], p. 273,
t. II, "Etudes etc.".)
143 "Labour and capital ... the one, immediate labour ... the
other, hoarded labour, that which has been the result of former
labour." ([p.] 75, James Mill, 1. c.) ("Elements] of P[olitical]
Ec[onomy]", London 1821.) "Accumulated labour ... immediate la-
bour." (R. Torrens, "An Essay on the Production of Wealth etc.",
London 1821, ch. I.)
143 Ric[ardo], "Principles]", p. 89. "Kapital ist der Teil des
Reichtums eines Landes, der auf die Produktion verwandt wird und
besteht aus food, clothing, tools, raw material, machinery etc.,
notwendig to give effect to labour."
143 "Kapital ist nur a particular species of wealth, nämlich die
bestimmt ist nicht to the immediate supplying of our wants, but
to the obtaining of other articles of utility." (p. 5, Torrens,
l.c.) "In dem ersten Stein, den der Wilde auf die Bestie wirft,
die er verfolgt, und dem ersten Stock, den er greift, um die
Frucht niederzuziehn, die above his reach hängt, sehn wir die An-
eignung eines Artikels zum Zweck of aiding in the acquisition of
another und thus discover the origin of capital." (Torrens, p.
70/71, l.c.)
143 Capital "all articles possessing exchangeable value", the ac-
cumulated results of past labour. (H. C. Carey, "Principles] o[f]
Political] Ec[onomy]", part I, Philadelphia] 1837, p. 294.)
143 "Lorsqu'un fonds est consacré à la production matérielle, il
prend le nom de capital." ([p.] 207, H. Storch, "Cours d'E.
Pol.", éd. Say, Paris 1823, 1.1.) "Les richesses ne sont des ca-
pitaux que tant qu'elles servent à la production." (p. 219, I.e.)
"Die Elemente des Nationalkapitals sind: 1. améliorations du sol;
2. constructions; 3. outils ou instruments de métier; 4. subsi-
stances; 5. matériaux; 6. d'ouvrage fait." (p. 229 sq., l.c.)
143 ¦¦81¦ "Toute force productive qui n'est ni terre, ni travail,
c'est là le capital. Il comprend toutes ces forcés, ou complète-
ment ou partiellement produites, qu'on applique à la reproduc-
tion." (p. 271, Rossi, l.c.)
143 "Il n'y a aucune différence entre un capital et toute autre
portion de richesse: c'est seulement par l'emploi qui en est
fait, qu'une chose devient capital, c'est-à-dire
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lorsqu'elle est employée dans une opération productive, comme ma-
tière première, comme "nstrument, ou comme approvisionnement."
(p. 18, Cherbuliez, "Richesse ou Pauvreté 1*)", 1841.)
144 "Kapital der Teil des zur Produktion und generally for the
purpose of obtaining profit verwandten wealth." ([p.] 75, Chal-
mers, Th., "On Pol. Ec. etc.", London 1832, 2. edit.)
144 "Capital. That portion of the stock" (i. est accumulated
wealth) "of a country which is kept or employed with a view to
profit in the production and distribution of wealth." ([p.] 10,
T.R. Malthus, "Definitions in Polit. Eco.". New Edit. etc. by
John Cazenove, London 1853.)
144 "Antecedent labour" (capital) "... present labour."
(Wakefield, E.G., Note p. [230/]231 zu 1.1, A. Smith, "W[ealth]
o[f] N[ations]", London 1835.)
145 "Qu'est ce qui fait que la notion de produit se transforme
tout à coup en celle du capital? C'est l'idée de valeur. Cela
veut dire que le produit, pour devenir capital, doit avoir passé
par une évaluation authentique, avoir été acheté ou vendu, son
prix d"battu et fixé par une sorte de convention légale." Z.B.
"le cuir sortant de la boucherie est le produit du boucher. Ce
cuir, est-il acheté par le tanneur? Aussitôt celui-ci le porte ou
en porte la valeur à son fonds d'exploitation. Par le travail du
tanneur, ce capital redevient produit". ("Gratuité du Crédit"
[,p. 178-180].) (Sieh XVI, [p.] 29 etc.1491.)
145 "la différence pour la société, entre capital et produit
n'existe pas. Cette différence est toute subjective aux individus
". [p. 250.]
146 "The material which ... we obtain for the purpose of combi-
ning it with our own industry, and forming it into a product, is
called capital; and, after the labour has been exerted, and the
value created, it is called a product. Thus, the same article may
be product to one, and capital to another. Leather is the product
of the currier, and the capital of the shoemaker."
146 "Le travail de la terre, celui des animaux et des machines,
est aussi une valeur, parce qu'on y met un prix et qu'on
l'achète"'50', nachdem er uns gesagt hat, daß "valeur" ist "c'est
qu'une chose vaut" und daß "prix" ist die "valeur d'une chose ex-
primée."
147 "le loyer d'une faculté industrielle"
147 "ou plus rigoureusement le prix de l'achat d'un service pro-
ductif industriel". [51]
147 "La riproduzione di valore è quella quantità di prezzo che ha
la derrata o manifattura, oltre il valor primo délia materia e la
consumazione fattavi per formarla. Nell' agriculture si detrag-
gono la semente e la consumazione del contadino: nelle manifat-
tur" ugualmente si detraggono la materia prima e la consumazione
dell' artigiano, e tanto annualmente si créa un valore di ripro-
duzione, quanto importa questa quantità restante." ([p.] 26, 27,
P. Verri, "Meditazione sulla Economia Politico", Custodi, Parte
Moderna, t. XV.)}
148 "Il prezzo comune è quello in cui il compratore puô diventar
venditore e il venditore compratore senza discapito o guadagno
sensibile 2*). Sia per esempio il prezzo comune
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1*) In der Handschrift: "Riche et Pauvre" - 2*) in der Hand-
schrift: possibile
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della seta un gigliato per libbra, dico essere egualmente ricco
colui che possiede 100 "ibbre di seta quanto colui che possiede
cento gigliati, poichè il primo facilmente puo cedendo la seta
avere 100 gigliati, e parimenti il secondo cedendo 100 gigliati
aver 100 libbre di seta ...Il prezzo comune è quello, in cui nes-
suna delle parti contraenti s'im- poverisce." ([p.] 34, 35.)
l.c.}
148 "The immediate market for capital, or field for capita], may
be said to be labour." ([p.] 20, "An Inquiry into those Princi-
ples respecting the Nature of Demand and the Necessity of Con-
sumption, lately advocated by Mr. Malthus", London 1821.)
148 "Productive consumption, where the consumption of a commodity
is a part of the process of production ... In these instances
there is no consumption of value, the same value existing in a
new form." ([p.] 296, Newman, S.P., "Elements of Pol. Ec.", And-
over and New York 1835.) ("Le capital se consomme tout aussi bien
que le fonds de consommation; mais en se consommant, il se repro-
duit. Un capital est une masse de richesses destinée à la consom-
mation industrielle, c'est-à-dire à la reproduction." (p. 209, H.
Storch, "Cours d'Ec[onomie] P[oIitique]", éd. Say, Paris 1823, t.
I.)
149 "If you call labour a commodity, it is not like a commodity
which is first produced in order to exchange, and then brought to
market where it must exchange with other commodities according to
the respective quantities of each which there may be in the mar-
ket at the time; labour is created at the moment it is brought to
market; nay it is brought to market before it is created." ([p.]
75, 76, "Observations on certain verbal Disputes in Pol. Ec.
etc.", London 1821.)
149 "II" (l'ouvrier) "demandait de la subsistance pour vivre, le
chef demandait du travail pour gagner." (S[ismondi], l.c., p.
91.)
153 {"Profit is not made by exchanging. Had it not existed be-
fore, neither could it after that transaction." (Ramsay, [p.]
184, I.e.)} {"Ogni spazio di terra è la materia prima
dell'agricultura." ([p.] 218, P. Verri, l.c.)}
154 "In reference to coarse spinning we have received the fol-
lowing statement from a gentleman of high standing:
Sept. 17, 1860 Per lb. Margin. Cost of Spinning per lb.
His Cotton cost --- 6 1/4 d {
His 16's warps {--4 d ----- 3 d
sold for ------- 10 1/4 d {
Profit 1 d per lb.
Sept. 17, 1861
His cotton costs ---9 d {
For his 16's {--3 d ----- 3 1/2 d
warps to ask --- 11 d {
Loss 1 1/2 d per lb."
181 "It is obvious that the relative numbers of persons who can
be maintained without agricultural labour, must be measured
wholly by the productive powers of cultivation." (p. 159/160, R.
Jones, "On the Distribution of Wealth", Lond[on] 1831.)
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193 "Whatever quantity of labour may be requisite to produce any
commodity, the labourer must always, in the present state of so-
ciety, give a great deal more labour to acquire and possess it
than is requisite to buy it from nature. Natural Price so in-
creased to the labourer is Social Price." ([p.] 220, Th. Hodgs-
kin, "Pop. Pol. Econ.", London 1827.)
194 ¦¦112¦ "The amount of capital which can be invested at a gi-
ven moment, in a given country, or the world, so as to return not
less than a given rate of profits, seems principally to depend on
the quantity of labour, which it is possible, by laying out the
capital, to induce the then existing number of human beings to
perform." ([p.] 20, "An Inquiry into those Principles respecting
the Nature of Demand etc. ", lately advocated by Mr. Malthus,
London 1821.)
194 "If the labourer can be brought to feed on potatoes, instead
of bread, it is indisputably true that then more can be exacted
from his labour; i. e., if when fed on bread he was obliged to
retain for the maintenance of himself and family the labour of
Monday and Tuesday, he will, on potatoes, require only the half
of Monday; and the remaining half of Monday and the whole of
Tuesday are available either for the service of the state or the
capitalist." ([p.] 26, "The Source and Remedy of the Nation.
Diff. ", Lond[on] 1821.)
194 "Whatever may be due to the capitalist, he can only receive
the surplus labour of the labourer; for the labourer must live.
But it is perfectly true, that if capital does not decrease in
value as it increases in amount, the capitalist will exact from
the labourers the produce of every hour's labour beyond what it
is possible for the labourer to subsist on: and however horrid or
disgusting it may seem, the capitalist may eventually speculate
on the food that requires the least labour to produce it, and
eventually say to the labourer: 'You sha'n't eat bread, because
barley meal is cheaper. You sha'n t eat meat, because it is pos-
sible to subsist on beet root and potatoes. " ([p.] 23/24, l.c.)
194 "Wealth is disposable time and nothing more." (p.6, "The
Source and Rem. etc.".)
195 "Legal constraint" (zur Arbeit) "is attended with too much
trouble, violence and noise; creates ill will etc., whereas hun-
ger is not only a peaceable, silent, unremitted pressure, but, as
the most natural motive to industry and labour, it calls forth
the most powerful exertions." ([p.] 15, "A Dissertation on the
Poor Laws. " By a Wellwisher to mankind, 1786 (The Rever. Mr. J.
Townsend), republished London 1817.)
195 "It seems to be a law of nature, that the poor should be to a
certain degree improvident, that there always may be some to ful-
fil the most servile, the most sordid, and the most ignoble af-
fairs in the community. The stock of human happiness is thereby
much increased, the more delicate sind befreit von drudgery und
können höheren callings etc. ungestört nachgehn." ([p.] 39, l.c.)
"The poorlaw tends to destroy the harmony and beauty, the symme-
try and order of that system, which god and nature ¦ 1113j have
established in the world." (p. 41.)
196 "I (id io fa che gli uomini che esercitano mestieri di prima
utilità nascono abbondantemente." (p. 78, Galiani, "Deila Mo-
neta", t. III, bei Custodi.)
196 "fait naître cette classe utile de la société ... qui se
charge des occupations les plus fastidieuses, les plus viles et
les plus dégoûtantes, en un mot, qui prenant pour sa part
#366# Anhang und Register
-----
tout ce que la vie a de désagréable et d'assujettissant, procure
aux autres c"asses le temps, la sérénité d'esprit et la dignité
conventionnelle de caractère dont elles ont besoin pour se livrer
avec succès aux travaux relevés". ("Cours d'Éc. Pol. ", éd. Say
(p. 223), t. III, Paris 1823.)
196 "Plus un maître a d'esclaves et plus il est riche; il
s'ensuit: que, à égalité d'oppression de masses, plus un pays a
de prolétaires et plus il est riche." ([p.] 331, t. III, Colins,
"L'Économie Politique, Sources des Révolutions et des Utopies
prétendues Socialistes", Paris 1857.)
198 "C'est parce que l'un travaille, que l'autre doit se repo-
ser." (Sismondi, "N[ouveaux] Princ. d'Éc[onomie] P[olitique]", t.
I, p. 76/77.)
198 "Dès qu'il y a surabondance" (des products) "de produits, le
travail superflu doit être consacré à des objets de luxe. La con-
sommation des objets de première nécessité est limitée, celle des
objets de luxe est sans limite." (p.78, Sism., 1.1, "N[ouveaux]
Principes] etc.".) "Le luxe n'est possible, que quand on l'achète
avec le travail d'autrui; le travail assidu, sans relâche, n'est
possible, que lorsqu'il peut seul procurer, non les frivolités,
mais les nécessités de la vie. " (p. 79, l.c.)
201 "As to the demand from labour, that is, either the giving la-
bour ¦¦115¦ in exchange for goods, or, if you choose to consider
it in another form, but which comes to the same thing, the gi-
ving, in exchange for complete products, a future and accruing
addition of value ..., conferred on certain particles of matter
entrusted to the labourer. This is the real demand that it is ma-
terial to the producers to get increased, as far as any demand is
wanted, extrinsic to that which articles furnish to each other
when increased." ([p.] 57, "An Inquiry into those Principles
respecting the Nature of Demand and the Necessity of Consumption
etc.", London 1821.)
201 "To enable a considerable portion of the community to enjoy
the advantages of leisure, the return to capital must evidently
be large." (p. 50, James Mill, "Elements] of Pol. Ec. ", London
1821.)
201 "obtenir du capital dépensé" (dem gegen lebendige Arbeit aus-
getauschten Kapital), "la plus forte somme de travail possible",
(p.62, J.G. Courcelle-Seneuil, "Traité théorique et pratique des
Entreprises industrielles etc.", Paris 1857, 2. édit.)
204 {"The employer will be always on the stretch to economize
time and labour." (p. 318, Dugald Stewart, vol.1, "Lectures on
Polit. Econ.", Edinburgh 1855, vol. VIII der "Collected works",
ed. by Sir W. Hamilton.) ad p. 107, ad Zusatz ad e.}
206 "la journée de sarclage estimée douze perches en imposant une
tâche double en étendue de celle que peut exécuter un homme en un
jour", namentlich auf den Maispflan- zungen. Die journée de sar-
clage ist in der Tat so eingerichtet durch das règlement "qu'il
commence au mois de mai pour finir au mois d'Octobre".
206 ¦¦118¦ "En Moldavie" sagte einer der großen Bojaren selbst,
"les 12 journées de travail du paysan, accordés par le règlement,
équivalent en fait à 365 jours." [p. 311.]
208 "Mr. Leigh, of the Deans gate subdistrict" (Manchester),
"makes the following judicious remarks, which deserve the careful
attention of the people at Manchester: Very sad there is the life
of a child ... The total number of deaths, exclusive of coroner's
cases, is 224, and of this number 156 were children under 5 years
of age ... So large a
#367# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
proportion I have n e v e r b e f o r e known. It is evident
that whilst the ordinary circumstances affecting adult life have
been to a considerable extent in abeyance, those militating
against the very young have been in great activity ... 87 of the
children died under the age of one year. Neglected diarrhoea,
close confinement to ill ventilated rooms during hooping cough,
want of proper nutrition, and free administration of laudanum,
producing marasmus and convulsions, as well as hydrocephalus and
congestion of brain, these must explain why ... the mortality"
(of children) "is still so high."}
208 "The fraudulent mill-owner begins work a quarter of an hour"
(sometimes more, sometimes less), "before 6 a. m.; and leaves off
a quarter of an hour" (sometimes more, sometimes less) "after 6
p.m. He takes 5 minutes from the beginning and end of the half
hour nominally allowed for breakfast, and 10 minutes at the be-
ginning and end of the hour nominally allowed for dinner. He
works for a quarter of an hour" (sometimes more, sometimes less)
"after 2 p. m. on Saturdays.
Thus his gain" {Hier ist der Gain direkt mit der stipitzten Sur-
plusarbeit identifiziert} "is,
before 6 a.m. 15 minutes, Total in 5 On Saturdays Total
after 6 p.m. 15 ditto days before 6 a.m. 15 m. Weekly
at 1*) breakfast at breakfast Gain
time 10 " time 10 340
at dinner 300 minutes after 2 p.m. 15 minutes
time 20
-- --
60 40
209 Or 5 hours and 40 minutes weekly, which multiplied by 50 wor-
king weeks in the year, allowing two for holidays and occasional
stoppages, are equal to 27 working days." (p. 4, 5, "Suggestions
etc.," by Mr. L. Horner in "Factories Regulation Acts 2*). Or-
dered, by the House of Commons, to be printed, 9 August 1859".)
"The profit to be gained by it" (overworking over the legal time)
"appears to be, to many" (millowners) "a greater temptation than
they can resist; they calculate upon the chance of not being
found out; and when they see the small amount of penalty and
costs, which those who have been convicted have had to pay, they
find that if they should be detected there will still be a consi-
derable balance of gain." ([p.] 34, "Report of the Inspectors of
Factories for the halfyear ended 31st Oct. 1856.") "Five minu-
tes'a day's increased work, multiplied by weeks, are equal to
2 1/2 days of production in the year." ([p.] 35, l.c.)
209 "In cases where the additional time is gained by a multipli-
cation of small thefts in the course of the day, there are insu-
perable difficulties to the Inspectors making out a case." (p.
35. l.c. An dieser Stelle die so angeeignete overtime direkt als
theft, "Diebstahl" bezeichnet von den offiziellen englischen Fa-
brikinspektoren.)
209 /120/ Diese small thefts werden auch bezeichnet als "petty
pilferings of minutes " (p. 48, l.c.), ferner as "snatching a few
minutes" (l.c.), "or as it is termed, 'nibbling' or 'cribbling
-----
1*) In der Handschrift: after - 2*) in der Handschrift: Factory
Regulations Act
#368# Anhang und Register
-----
at meal times'". (l.c.) "'If you allow me', said a highly
respectable master to me, 'to work only 10 minutes in the day
over time, you put one thousand a year in my pocket'." (p.48,
l.c.)
209 "The hours of labour in printworks may practically be consi-
dered to be unrestricted, notwithstanding the statutory limita-
tion. The only restriction upon labour is contained in 22 of the
'Printwork act'" (8. and 9 Victoria C. 29 [86]) "which enacts
that no child - that is, no child between the ages of 8 and 13
years - shall be employed during the night, which is defined to
be between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. of the following morning. Children,
therefore of the age of 8 years, may be lawfully employed in la-
bour analogous in many respects to factory labour, frequently in
rooms in which the temperature is oppressive, continuously and
without any cessation from work for rest or refreshment, from 6
a.m. to 10 p.m." (16 Stunden); "and a boy, having attained the
age of 13, may lawfully be employed day and night for any numbers
of hours without any restriction whatever. Children of the age of
8 years and upwards have been employed from 6 a.m. to 9 p.m. du-
ring the last half-year in my district." ([p.] 39, "Reports of
the Inspect. of Factories", 31" Oct. 1857, Report of Mr. A. Red-
grave.)
210 "An additional hour a day, gained by small instalments before
6 a.m. and after 6 p.m., and at the beginning and end of the ti-
mes nominally fixed for meals, is nearly equivalent to making 13
months in the year." ("Reports of the I. of F. ", 30th April
1858, Report of Mr. L. Horner, p. 9[, 10].)
210 "It may seem inconsistent that there should be any overwor-
king" {durchaus nicht inkonsistent, daß der Fabrikant während der
Krise den größtmöglichsten Teil u n b e z a h l t e r Arbeits-
zeit zu snatch sucht} "at a time when trade is so bad; but that
very badness leads to transgressions by unscrupulous men; they
get the extraprofit of it." ([p. 10,] "Reports etc.", 30th, April
1858, Report of Mr. L. Horner.)
211 "I continue" (although in den meisten Fabriken wegen der bad
time nur half time worked), "however, to receive the usual number
of complaints that half or 3 quarters of an hour in the day are
snatched from the workers by encroaching upon the times allowed
for rest and refreshment during the working day, and by starting
5 minutes and more before the proper time in the morning and by
stopping 5 minutes or more after the proper time in the evening.
These petty pilferings, amounting in the whole to from half to
three quarters of an hour daily, are very difficult of detec-
tion." (p. 25, l.c., T.J. Howells "Report".)
211 "To prove a systematic course of overworking, made up of mi-
nutes taken at 6 different times of the day, could manifestly not
be done by the observation of an Inspector." ([p.35,] "Reports",
L.Horner, 31st Oct. 1856.) "It is this general acquiescence in
the practice, if not approbation of the principle, and the gene-
ral concurrence that the limitation of labour is expedient etc."
("Reports etc.", 31st Oct. 1855, p. 77.)
212 "The daily labour of the workman in manufactures and works
shall not exceed 12 hours. The government has power to declare
exceptions to the above enactment in those cases where the nature
of the work or of the apparatus requires it."
212 "The cleaning of machinery at the end of the day; work rende-
red necessary by accident to the moving power, the boiler, the
machinery, or the building. Labour may be extended
#369# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
in the following cases: For 1 hour at the end of the day for
washing and stretching pieces in dye works, bleach works, and
cotton print works. For 2 hours in sugar factories, and refine-
ries, and in chemical works. For 2 hours during 120 days a year,
at the choice of the manufacturer, and with the sanction of the
Préfet, in dye works, print works, and finishing establishments."
212 "I have been assured by several manufacturers that when they
have wished to avail themselves of the permission to extend the
working day, the workmen have objected upon the ground that an
extension of the working day at one moment would be followed by a
curtailment of the ordinary number of hours at another ... and
they especially objected to work beyond the 12 hours per day, be-
cause the law which fixed those hours is the only good which
remains to them of the legislation of the Republic."
213 "The prolongation of the working day is optional with the
workmen ... when it is mutually agreed ... the rate per hour"
(beyond 12) "is generally higher than their ordinary pay." (p.
80, l.c.)
213 "the labouring population of Rouen and Lille ... have succum-
bed" become "diminutive in growth" und "many are afflicted with
that species of lameness which in England has given to its vic-
tims the name of 'factory cripples'", (p. 81, l.c.)
213 "It must be admitted that a daily labour of 12 hours is a
sufficient call upon the human frame, and when the requisite in-
tervals for meals, the time required for going to and returning
from work, are added to the hours of labour, the balance at the
disposal of the workman is not excessive." (p. 81, A. Redgrave,
l.c.)
213 "One of the many objections made to the Ten Hours' Bill was
the danger of throwing upon the hands of the young persons and
females so much leisure time, which, from their defective educa-
tion, they would ¦¦123¦ either waste or misuse; and it was urged
that until education progressed, and means were provided for oc-
cupying in profitable mental or social employment the leisure
Hours which the Ten Hours' Bill proposed to award to the Factory
population, it was more advisable, in the interests of morality,
that the whole of the day should be spent in the factory." ([p.]
87, A. Redgrave, l.c.)
213 "The practice of setting children prematurely to work, a
practice which the state, the legitimate protector of those who
cannot protect themselves, has, in our time, wisely and humanely
interdicted, prevailed in the 17th century to an extent which,
when compared with the extent of the manufacturing system, seems
almost incredible. At Norwich, the chief seat of the clothing
trade, a little creature of six years old was thought fit for la-
bour. Several writers of that time, and among them some who were
considered as eminently benevolent, mention, with exultation, the
fact, that in that single city boys and girls or tender age,
created wealth exceeding what was necessary, for their own subsi-
stence by 12000 pounds a year. The more carefully we examine the
history of the past, the more reason shall we find to dissent
from those who imagine that our age has been fruitful of new so-
cial evils. The truth is, that the evils are, with scarcely an
exception, old. That which is new is the intelligence which
discerns and humanity which remedies them." (Macaulays "[History
of] England", vol. I, p. 417.)
#370# Anhang und Register
-----
214 "by keeping the children, young persons, and women in the
mill to clean the machinery during a part of the mealtimes, and
on Saturdays after 2 o'clock, in place of that work being done
within the restricted time", (p. 12, L. Horner, "Reports etc.",
30th April 1856.)
214 "who are not employed on piece-work, but receive weekly wa-
ges". (L. Horner, p. [8,] 9, "Reports of the Insp. o. F.", 30th
April 1859.)
214 "The education of the children, professedly provided for, is,
in numerous cases, an utter mockery; the protection of the work-
people against bodily injuries and death from unfenced machinery,
also professedly provided for, has become, practically, a dead
letter; the reporting of accidents is, to a great extent, a mere
waste of public money ... Overworking to a very considerable ex-
tent, still prevails; and, in most instances, with that security
against detection and punishment, which the law itself affords."
(p. 9, 8,
l.c.)
215 "The fact is, that prior to the Act of 1833, young persons
and children were worked all night, all day, or both ad libitum."
("Reports etc.", 30th April 1860, p. [50,] 51.)
215 "to take their legal hours of labour at any period within
5 1/2 a.m. und 8 1/2 p.m.".
215 "the bulk of the accidens happened in the largest mills ...
the perpetual scramble for every minute of time, where work is
going on by an unvarying power, which is indicated at perhaps a
thousand horses, necessarily leads to danger. In such mills, mo-
ments are the elements of profit - the attention of everybody's
every instant is demanded. It is here, where ... there may be
seen a perpetual struggle between life and inorganic forces;
where the mental energies must direct, and the animal energies
must move and be kept equivalent to the revolutions of the spind-
les. They must not lag, notwithstanding the strain upon them eit-
her by excessive excitement or by heat; nor be suspended for an
instant by any counter attention to the various movements around,
for in every lagging there is loss." (p. 56, "Rep[orts] of the
In. of F.", 30th April 1860.)
215 "The Children's Employment Commission, the reports of which
have been published several years, brought to light many enormi-
ties, and which still continue, - some of them much greater than
any that factories and printworks were ever charged with ... Wi-
thout an organized system of inspection by paid officers, respon-
sible to Parliament, and kept to their duty by halfyearly reports
of their proceedings, the law would soon become inoperative; as
was proved by the inefficiency of all the Factory Laws prior to
that of 1833, and as is the case at the present day in France:
the Factory Law of 1841 containing no provision for systematic
inspection." ([p.] 10, "Rep. o. t. Insp. etc.", 31st Oct. 1858.)
216 The Factory Acts "have put an end to the premature decrepi-
tude of the former longhour workers; by making them masters of
their own time they have given them a moral energy which is di-
recting them to the eventual possession of political power",
([p.] 47, "Rep. o. th. I. o. F.", 31st Oct. 1859.)
216 "A still greater boon is, the distinction at last made clear
between the worker's own time and his master's. The worker knows
now when that which he sells is ended, and when his own begins;
and, by possessing a sure fore knowledge of this, is enabled to
pre-arrange his own minutes for his own purposes!" (l.c., p. 52.)
#371# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
216 "The master had no time for anything but money the servant
had no time for anything but labour." (l.c., p. 48.)
216 "The cupidity of millowners, whose cruelties in the pursuit
of gain have hardly been exceeded by those perpetrated by the
Spaniards on the conquest of America, in the pursuit of gold."
(p. 114, John Wade, "History of the Middle and W. Classes", 3.
ed., Londjon] 1835.)
216 ¦¦124a¦ "Certain classes of workers" (such as the adult ma-
les, and female weavers) "have a direct interest in working over-
time, and it may be supposed that they exercise some influence
over the more juvenile classes, which latter have, besides, a na-
tural dread of dismissal by giving any evidence or information
calculated to implicate their employers ... even when detected"
(the juvenile workers) "in working at illegal times, their evi-
dence to prove the facts before a Bench of Magistrates, can sel-
dom be relied on, as it is given at the risk of losing their em-
ployments." (p. 8, "Factory Inspectors' Reports", for half year
ending October 31" 1860.)
216 "A factory employs 400 people, the half of which work by the
'piece' and have ... a direct interest in working longer hours.
The others 200 are paid by the day, work equally long with the
others, and get no more money for their overtime. A habit has
arisen in some localities of starting systematically 5 minutes
before and ceasing 5 minutes after the proper hour. There are 3
starting and 3 leaving off times each day; and thus 5 minutes at
6 different times, equal to half an hour are gained daily, not by
one person only, but by 200 who work and are paid by the day. The
work of these 200 people for half an hour a day is equal to one
person's work for 50 hours, or 5/6 of one person's labour in a
week, and is a positive gain to the employer." (l.c., p. 9.)
217 "All persons under 16 years of age must be examined by the
certifying surgeon. Children cannot be employed under the age of
8 years. Children between 8 and 13 years of age can only be em-
ployed for half-time, and must attend school daily. Females and
young persons under the age of 18 years cannot be employed before
6 o'clock in the morning nor after 6 o'clock in the evening, nor
after 2 o'clock in the afternoon of Saturdays. Females and young
persons cannot be employed during a meal time, nor be allowed to
remain in any room in a factory while any manufacturing process
is carried on. Children under 13 years of age cannot be employed
both before noon and after 1 o'clock on the same day." (p. 22,
23, l.c.) - "The hours of work are governed by a public clock;
generally the clock of the nearest railway station ... It is so-
metimes advanced by way of excuse, when persons are found in a
factory either during a meal hour or at some other illegal time,
that they will not leave the mill at the appointed hour, and that
compulsion is necessary to force them to cease work, especially
on Saturday afternoons. But, if the hands remain in a factory af-
ter the machinery has ceased to revolve, and occupy themselves in
cleaning their machines and in other like work, they would not
have been so employed if sufficient time had been set apart spe-
cially for cleaning etc. either before 6 P.M. or before 2 P.M. on
Saturday afternoons." (p. 23, l.c.)
218 "One hour and a half must be given to all young persons and
females, persons at the same time between 7.30 a.m. and 6 p.m.;
of this one hour must be given before
#372# Anhang und Register
-----
3 p.m., and no person can be employed for more than 5 hours be-
fore 1 p.m. without an interval of 30 minutes. The usual meal-
hours 1*) of mechanics throughout the country are, half an hour
for breakfast and an hour for dinner." ([p.] 24, l.c.)
218 "The parent is required to cause his child to attend school
for 3 hours daily for 5 days in the week. The occupier is re-
stricted from employing children unless he shall have procured on
each Monday morning a schoolmaster's-certificate that each child
has attended school for 3 hours daily for 5 days in the preceding
week." (p. 26.)
218 "When population is scanty, and land abundant, the free labo-
rer is idle and saucy. Artificial regulation has often been
found, not only useful, but absolutely necessary to compel him to
work. At this day, according to Mr. Carlyle, the emancipated ne-
groes in our West India Islands, having hot sun for nothing, and
plenty of pumpkin" (Kürbis) "for next to nothing, will not work.
He seems to think legal regulations compelling work absolutely
necessary, even for their own sakes. For they are rapidly relap-
sing into their original barbarism. So in England 500 years ago,
it was found, by experience, that the poor need not, and would
not work. A great plague in the 14th century having thinned the
population, the difficulty of getting men to work on reasonable
terms grew to such a height as to be quite intolerable, and to
threaten the industry of the kingdom. Accordingly, in the year
1349, the Statute 23 , Edward III, was passed, compelling the
poor to work, and interfering with the wages of labor. It was
followed with the same view through several centuries by a long
series of statutable enactments. The wages of artisans, as well
as of agricultural laborers; the prices of piecework, as well as
of day-work; the periods during which the poor were obliged to
work, nay, the very intervals for meals" (as in the Factory acts
of the present day) "were defined by law. Acts of Parliament re-
gulating wages, but against the laborer, and in favor of the ma-
ster, lasted for the long period of 464 years. Population grew.
These laws were then found, and really became, unnecessary and
burdensome. In the year 1813, they were all repealed." (p. 205,
206, [John Barnard Byles,] "Sophisms of Free Trade etc.", 7. ed.,
London 1850.)
219 "The Bleaching etc. Works Act limits the hours of work of all
females and young persons between 6 a.m. and 8 p.m., but does not
permit children to work after 6 p.m. The Print Works Act limits
the hours of females, young persons and children between 6 a.m.
und 10 p.m., provided the children have attended some school for
5 hours in any day but Saturday before 6 o'clock p.m." (p.20, 21,
"Factory Inspector's Reports"for 31s' Oct. 1861.) "The Factory
Acts require 1 1/2 hours to be allowed during the day, and that
they shall be taken between 7.30 a.m. and 6 p.m. and one hour
thereof shall be given before 3 o'clock in the afternoon; and
that no child, young person, or female shall be employed more
than 5 hours before 1 o'clock in the afternoon of any day without
an interval for meal time of at least 30 minutes ... In dem
Printing Act no requisition ... for any meal time at all. Accor-
dingly, young persons and females may work from 6 o'clock in the
morning till 10 o'clock at night without stopping for meals."
(p.21, l.c.) "In Print Works a child may work between 6 o'clock
in
-----
1*) In der Handschrift: meal
#373# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
the morning and 10 o'clock at night ... by the Bleach Works Act a
child may only work as under the Factories Act, whilst the labour
of the young persons and females, with whom it has been pre-
viously working during the day, may be continued till 8 o'clock
in the evening." ([p.] 22, l.c.)
220 "To take the silk manufacture for example, since 1850, it has
been lawful to employ children above 11 years of age" (also von
11-13 Jahren) "in the winding and throwing of raw silk for 10 1/2
hours a day. From 1844 to 1850 their daily work, less Saturday,
was limited to 10 hours; and before that period to 9 hours. These
alterations took place on the ground that labour in silk mills
was lighter than in mills for other fabrics, and less likely, in
other respects also, to be prejudicial to health." (p.26, I.e.)
"The allegation put forth in 1850 about the manufacture of silk
being a healthier occupation than that of other textile fabrics,
not only entirely ¦¦124e¦ fails of proof, but the proof is quite
the other way; for the average death rate is exceedingly high in
the silk districts, and amongst the female part of the population
is higher even than it is in the cotton districts of Lancashire,
where, although it is true that the children only work half time,
yet from the conditional causes which render cotton manufacture
unhealthy, a high rate of pulmonary mortality might be supposed
to be inevitable."
220 "15, not unfrequently 17 hours a day". ("Ten Hours' Factory
Bill", London 1844, p. 5.) In Switzerland the regulations are
very strict: "In the canton of Argovia, no children are allowed
to work, under 14 years, more than 12 hours and 1/2; and educa-
tion is compulsory on the millowners". In the canton of Zurich
"the hours of labour are limited to 12; and children under 10
years of age are not allowed to be employed. ... In Prussia, by
the law of 1839, no child who has not completed his or her 16'1'
year, is to be employed more than 10 hours a day; none under 9
years of age to be employed at all", (p. [5,] 6.)
221 /V-196/ Subinspector Baker reports ("Factory reports", 1843),
as to "having seen several females, who, he was sure, could only
just have completed their 18sh year, who had been obliged to work
from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m., with only 1 '/2 hours for meals. In other
cases, he shows, females are obliged to work all night, in a tem-
perature from 70 to 80 degrees ... I found" (says Mr.Horner,
"Factory reports", 1843) "many young women, just 18 years of age,
at work from half past 5 in the morning until 8 o'clock at night,
with no cessation except a quarter of an hour for breakfast, and
3 quarters of an hour for dinner. They may be fairly said to la-
bour for 15 hours and a half out of 24. There are" (says Mr.
Saunders, "Fact. Rep.", 1843) "among them females who have been
employed for some weeks, with an interval only of a few days,
from 6 o'clock in the morning until 12 o'clock at night, less
than 2 hours for meals, thus giving them for 5 nights in the
week, 6 hours out of its 24 to go to and from their homes, and to
obtain rest in bed." (I.e., [p.] 20, 21.)
221 "In the year 1833, a letter was addressed to me by Mr.
Ashworth, a very considerable millowner in Lancashire, which con-
tains the following curious passage: 'You will next naturally in-
quire about the old men, who are said to die, or become unfit for
work, when they attain 40 years of age, or soon after.' Mark the
phrase 'old men' at 40 years of age!" (l.c., p. 12.)
#374# Anhang und Register
-----
221 "Although prepared by seeing childhood occupied in such a
manner, it is very difficult to believe the ages of men advanced
in years, as given by themselves, so complete is their premature
old age." (p. 13, l.c.) [90]
222 ¦¦124f¦ "Il" (einer der entrepreneurs in der first Zeit der
Cottonindustry developement) "m'a communiqué une idée admirable,
je ne sais si elle lui appartient en propre, mais elle est vrai-
ment digne de lui: c'est d'organiser le travail nocturne. Les ou-
vriers seront répartis en deux troupes, de manière à ce que cha-
cune veille jusqu'au matin, de deux nuits l'une: les métiers ne
se reposeront plus. Le travail, borné à 17 heures, laissait dor-
mir pendant 7 grandes heures un capital énorme, la valeur des mé-
tiers, le loyer etc. Ces 7 grandes heures d'intérêt quotidien ne
seront plus perdues. Il m'a exposé une combinaison, grâce à la-
quelle il rattrapera, et au-delà, ses frais d'éclairage, rien que
par la manière d'établir le salaire nocturne." ([p.] 145, 146,
"Sir Richard Arkwright etc. (1760 à 1792)", par St-Germain Leduc,
Paris 1842.)
223 "Pour couvrir la dépense de ces arrangements si bien combi-
nés, et soutenir en général l'établissement, il était indispensa-
blement nécessaire d'employer ces enfants dans l'intérieur des
moulins à coton, depuis 6 heures du matin jusqu'à sept heures du
soir,"l'été comme l'hiver ... Les directeurs des charités publi-
ques, par un motif d'économie mal entendue, ne voulurent pas en-
voyer les enfants confiés à leurs soins, à moins que les proprié-
taires de l'établissement ne s'en chargeassent dès l'âge de 6, 7
ou 8 ans. " ([p.] 64.) ("Examen Impartial des Nouvelles Vues de
M. Robert Owen et de ses Etablissemens à New-Lanark en Ecosse
etc. ", par Henry Grey Macnab etc., traduit par Laffon de Ladébat
etc., Paris 1821.) "Ainsi, les arrangements de M. Dale et sa ten-
dre sollicitude pour le bien-être de ces enfants, furent en der-
nier résultat presque entièrement inutiles et sans succès. Il
avait pris ces enfants à son service, et sans leur travail il ne
pouvait pas les nourrir." ([p.] 65, l.c.) "Le mal provenait de ce
que les enfants ¦¦124g¦ envoyés des hospices, beaucoup trop jeu-
nes pour le travail, auraient dû être gardés quatre ans de plus,
et recevoir une première éducation ... Si tel est le tableau fi-
dèle et non exagéré de la situation de nos apprentis sortants des
hospices, dans notre système actuel de manufactures, même sous
les règlements les meilleurs et les plus humains, quelle ne doit
pas être la situation déplorable de ces enfants sous un mauvais
régime?" ([p.] 66, l.c.)
224 "Le système de recevoir des apprentis tirés des maisons de
charité publique, fut aboli ... On renonça à l'habitude
d'employer des enfants de 6 à huit ans dans les fabriques." ([p.]
74.)
224 "Les heures de travail, 16 sur les 24, ont été réduites à 10
heures et demie par jour."
243 "to prosecute for intimidation the agents of the Carpets'
Weavers' Trades Unions. Bright's partners had introduced new ma-
chinery which would turn out 240 yard of carpet in the time and
with the labour previously required to produce 160 yards. The
workmen had no claim whatever to share in the profits made by the
investment of their employers' capital in mechanical improvement.
Accordingly, Mssrs. Bright proposed to lower the rate of pay from
1 1/2 d per yard to 1 d, leaving the earnings of the men exactly
the same as before for the same labour. But there was a nominal
reduction, of which the operatives, it is asserted, had not had
fair warning beforehand." [102]
#375# Fremdsprachige Zitate
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244 "The very existence of the former" (the mastercapitalists)
"as a distinct class is dependent on the productiveness of indu-
stry." ([p.] 206, Ramsay, "An Essay on the Dist. of Wealth etc.",
Edinburgh 1836.)
244 "If each man's labour were but enough to produce his own
food, there could be no property" (wird hier gebraucht für capi-
tal), (p. 14, Piercy Ravenstone, M[aster of] A[rts], "Thoughts on
the Funding System, and its Effects", London 1824.)
245 "'In different stages of society, the accumulation of capi-
tal, or of the means of employing labour is more or less rapid,
and must in all cases depend on the productive powers of labour.
The productive powers of labour are generally greatest, where
there is an abundance of fertile land.'" (Ricardo.) "If, in the
first sentence, the productive powers of labour mean the small-
ness of that aliquot part of any produce that goes to those whose
manual labour produced it, the sentence is nearly identical, be-
cause the remaining aliquot part is the fund whence capital can,
if the owner pleases, be accumulated. But then this does not gen-
erally happen where there is most fertile land. It does in
Northamerica, but that is an artificial state of things. It does
not in Mexico. It does not in New Holland. The productive powers
of labour are, indeed, in another sense, greatest where there is
much fertile land, viz. the power of man, if he chooses it, to
raise much raw produce in proportion to the whole labour he per-
forms. It is, indeed, a gift of nature, that men can raise more
food than the lowest quantity that they could maintain and keep
up the existing population on; but 'surplus produce'" (the term
used by Mr.Richardo, p.93) "generally means the excess of the
whole price of a thing above that part of it which goes to the
labourers who made it; a part, which is settled by human arrange-
ment, and not fixed." (p. 74, 75, "Observations on certain verbal
Disputes in Pol. Ex., particularly relating to value and to de-
mand and supply", Lond[on] 1821.)
248 "There are numerous operations of so simple a kind as not to
admit a division into parts, which cannot be performed without
the cooperation of many pairs of hands. F.i. the lifting of a
large tree on a wain, keeping down weeds in a large field of
growing crops, shearing a large flock of sheep at the same time,
gathering a harvest of corn at a time when it is ripe enough and
not too ripe, moving any great weight; everything in short, which
cannot be done unless a good many pairs of hands help each other
in the same undivided employment, and at the same time." (p. 168,
Wakefield, E. G., "A view of the art of colonization etc.",
Lond[on] 1849.)
250 "La forza di ciascun uomo e minima, ma la riunione delle mi-
nime forze forma una forza totale maggiore anche della somma
delle forze medesime, fino a che le forze per essere riunite pos-
sono diminuire il tempo ed accrescere lo spazio della lore
azione." (G.R. Carli, Note 1, p. 196, zu Pietro Verri,
"Meditazioni sulla Econ. Polit. etc.", t. XV, Custodi, Parte Mo-
derna.)
251 "It has happened in times past that these Oriental States,
after supplying the expenses of their civil and military esta-
blishments, have found themselves in possession of a surplus
which they could apply to works of magnificence or utility, and
in the construction of these their command over the hands and
arms of almost the entire non-agricultural population [...], and
this food, belonging to the monarch and the priesthood, afforded
the means of creating the mighty monuments which filled the land
... in
#376# Anhang und Register
-----
moving the colossal statues and vast masses, of which the trans-
port creates wonder, human labour almost alone was prodigally
used ... topes and reservoirs of Ceylon, the Wall of China, the
numerous works of which the ruins cover the plains of Assyria and
Mesopotamia." (Richard Jones, "Textbook of Lectures on the Polit.
Econ. of Nations", Hertford 1852, p. 11.) "The number of the la-
bourers, and the concentration of their efforts sufficed. "
{Anzahl der Arbeiter und Konzentration derselben die Basis der
einfachen Kooperation.} "We see mighty coral reefs rising from
the depths of the ocean into islands and firm land, yet each in-
dividual depositor is puny, weak and contemptible. The non-agri-
cultural labourers of an Asiatic monarchy have little but their
individual bodily exertions to bring ¦¦146¦ to the task; but
their number is their strength, and the power of directing these
masses gave rise to the palaces and temples etc. It is that
confinement of the revenues which feed them, to one or a few
hands, which makes such undertakings possible." ([p.] 78, l.c.)
252 "Das mathematische Prinzip, daß das Ganze der Summe seiner
Teile gleich ist, wird falsch, auf unsren Gegenstand angewandt.
Regarding labour, the great pillar of human existence, it may be
said, daß das ganze Produkt der kombinierten Anstrengung un-
endlich alles exceeds, was individuelle und disconnected efforts
möglicher Weise erfüllen könnten." (p. 84, Michael Thomas Sadler,
"The law of Population" 1*), t. I.)
257 1. Concours de forces. (Simple coopération.) "S'agit-il de
se défendre? Dix hommes vont résister aisément à un ennemi qui
les aurait tous détruits en les attaquant l'un après l'autre.
Faut-il remuer un fardeau? Celui dont le poids aurait opposé une
résistance invincible aux efforts d'un seul indivi"u cède tout de
suite à ceux de plusieurs qui agissent ensemble. Est-il question
d'exécuter un travail compliqué? plusieurs choses doivent être
faites simultanément; l'un en fait une pendant que l'autre en
fait une autre, et toutes contribuent à l'effet qu'un seul homme
n'aurait pu produire. L'un rame pendant que l'autre tient le gou-
vernail, et qu'un troisième jette le filet ou harponne le pois-
son, et la pêche a un succès impossible sans ce concours." (l.c.,
p. 78.)
257 "quand plusieurs hommes travaillent réciproquement les uns
pour les autres, chacun peut se livrer exclusivement à
l'occupation pour laquelle il a le plus d'avantages etc.". (p.
79, l.c.)
261 On se fera plus aisément une idée des effets de la division
du travail sur l'industrie générale de la société, si on observe
comment ces effets opèrent dans quelques manufactures particuliè-
res." [p. 11.] [110]
262 "On suppose communément que cette division est portée le plus
loin possible dans quelques-unes des manufactures où se fabri-
quent des objets de peu de valeur. Ce n'est pas peut-être que ré-
ellement elle y soit portée plus loin que dans les fabriques plus
imp"rtantes; mais c'est que, dans les premières, qui sont desti-
nées à des petits objets demandés par un petit nombre de gens, la
totalité des ouvriers qui y sont employés, est nécessairement peu
nombreuse, et que ceux qui'sont occupés à chaque différente bran-
che de l'ouvrage, peuvent souvent être réunis dans le même ate-
lier, et placés à la fois sous les yeux de l'observateur. Au
contraire, dans ces grandes manufactures destinées
-----
1*) In der Handschrift: James Sadler, "Onn Population?".
#377# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
à fournir les objets de consommation de la masse du peuple, cha-
que branche de l'ouvrage emploie un si grand nombre d'ouvriers,
qu'il est impossible de les réunir tous ¦¦152¦ dans le même ate-
lier. Il est rare qu'on puisse voir autre chose à la fois, que
ceux qui sont employés à une seule branche de l'ouvrage. Ainsi
quoique, dans ces manufactures, l'ouvrage soit peut-être en ré-
alité divisé en un plus grand nombre de parties que dans celles
de la première espèce, cependant la division y est moins sensi-
ble, et, par cette raison, a été bien moins observée." [p.
11/12.]
266 "Dans chaque art, la division du travail, aussi loin qu'elle
y peut être portée, donne lieu à un accroissement proportionnel
dans les facultés productives du travail. C'est cet avantage qui
paraît avoir donné naissance à la séparation des divers emplois
et"métiers. Aussi cette séparation est en général poussée plus
loin dans les pays qui jouissent du plus haut degré
d'amélioration et d'industrie; et ce qui, dans une société encore
un peu grossière, est l'ouvrage d'un seul homme, devient dans une
société plus avancée, la besogne de plusieurs." [p. 15.]
266 "Cette grande augmentation dans la quantité d'ouvrage qu'un
même nombre de mains est en état de fournir, en conséquence de la
division du travail, est due à trois circonstances différentes!"
(B. I, ch. I [,p. 18].)
266 "Premièrement, l'accroissement de dextérité dans l'ouvrier
augmente nécessairement la quantité d'ouvrage qu'il peut fournir,
et la division du travail, en réduisant la tâche de chaque homme
à quelque opération très simple, et en faisant de cette opération
"a seule opération de sa vie, lui fait acquérir nécessairement
une très grande dextérité." [p. 19.]
267 "Quand les deux métiers peuvent être établis dans le même
atelier, la perte du tems est sans doute beaucoup moindre; avec
tout cela, elle ne laisse pas d'être considérable. Ordinairement
un homme muse un peu en quittant une besogne pour mettre la main
à un" autre." [p. 20/21.]
267 "que c'est à la division du travail qu'est originairement due
l'invention de toutes ces machines propres à abréger et à facili-
ter le travail", [p. 21/22.]
267 "les connaissances philosophiques ou spéculatives deviennent,
comme tout autre emploi, la principale ou la seule occupation
d'une classe particulière de citoyens", [p.24.]
267 "Dans la réalité, la différence des talens naturels entre les
individus est bien moindre que nous ne le croyons, et ces dispo-
sitions si différentes qui semblent distinguer les hommes des di-
verses professions, quand ils sont parvenus à la maturité de
l'âge,"n'est point tant la cause que l'effet de la division du
travail ... Chacun aurait eu la même tâche à remplir" (ohne die
Division und den échange, den er zum Grund der Division du tra-
vail macht) "et le même ouvrage à faire, et il n'y aurait pas eu
lieu à cette grande différence d'occupations, qui seule peut don-
ner naissance à une grande différence de talens." [p.33/34.] "Par
nature, un philosophe n'est pas de moitié aussi différent d'un
porte-faix, en talent et en intelligence, qu'un mâtin l'est d'un
lévrier." [p. 35.]
268 "disposition des hommes à trafiquer et à échanger", ohne wel-
che "chacun aurait été obligé de se procurer à soi-même toutes
les nécessités et commodités de la vie". (B. I, ch. II [.p 34].)
268 "c'est peut-être que son industrie est découragée par la di-
versité de ses besoins ou
#378# Anhang und Register
-----
"que son attention trop partagée ne peut suffire pour acquérir de
l'habileté dans aucune espèce de travail." (t. II, p. 128.)
269 "L'artiste éprouve que plus il peut resserrer son attention,
et la borner à une partie de quelque ouvrage, plus son travail
est parfait, et plus il augmente la quantité de ses productions.
Tout entrepreneur de manufacture s'aperçoit que ses frais dimi-
nuen", et que ses profits croissent à mesure qu'il subdivise les
tâches de ses ouvriers, et qu'il emploie un plus grand nombre de
mains à chacun des détails de l'ouvrage ... la progression du
commerce n'est qu'une subdivision continuée des arts méchani-
ques." ([p.] 129.)
269 "quand l'attention d'un homme est toute dirigée vers un ob-
jet" mit einem einzigen Gegenstand beschäftigt, auffinden,
"toutes ces machines propres à abréger et à faciliter le tra-
vail". (B. I, ch. I.) [p. 22.]
269 "les méthodes, les moyens, les procédés ... que l'artisan at-
tentif à sa propre affaire, a inventés pour abréger ou faciliter
son travail particulier." (p. 133.)
269 "dans l'avancement de la société, les connaissances philoso-
phiques ou spéculatives deviennent, comme tout autre emploi, la
principale ou la seule occupation d'une classe particulière de
citoyens". (B. I, ch. I [,p. 23/24].)
269 "Cette méthode qui produit de si grands avantages dans ce qui
regarde l'industrie, s'applique avec un égal succès, aux objets
d'une plus haute importance, aux divers départements de la police
et de la guerre. ... dans un période où tout est séparé, peut lu-
imême former un métier particulier" (p. 131, 136)
269 "Il y aurait même lieu de douter si la capacité générale
d'une nation croît en proportion du progrès des arts. Plusieurs
arts méchaniques n'exigent aucune capacité; ils réussissent par-
faitement, lorsqu'ils sont totalement destitués des secours de la
raiso" et du sentiment; et l'ignorance est la mère de
l'industrie, aussi bien que de la superstition. La réflexion et
l'imagination sont sujets à s'égarer; mais l'habitude de mouvoir
le pied ou la main ne dépend ni de l'une ni de l'autre. Ainsi, on
pourrait dire que la perfection, à l'égard des manufactures, con-
siste à pouvoir se passer de l'esprit" (und speziell, was wichtig
in bezug auf das Atelier) "de manière que, sans effort de tête,
l'atelier puisse être ¦¦157¦ considéré comme une machine dont les
parties sont des hommes." (p. 134, 135.)
270 "En fait d'industrie même, le manufacturier peut avoir
l'esprit cultivé, tandis que celui de l'ouvrier subalterne reste
en friche. ... L'officier général peut être très habile dans
l'art de la guerre, tandis que tout le mérite du soldat se borne
à exécute" quelques mouvemens du pied et de la main. L'un peut
avoir gagné ce que l'autre a perdu!" (p. 135, 136.)
270 "Il pratique en grand les ruses et tous les moyens d'attaque
et de défense que le sauvage emploie à la tête d'une petite
troupe; ou seulement pour sa propre conservation." (p. 136.)
270 "Des nations vouées à l'industrie en viennent au point d'être
composées des membres qui, excepté leur métier, sont de la plus
grande ignorance sur toutes 1*) les choses de la vie. " (p. 130.)
"Nous sommes des nations entières d'Ilotes, et nous n'avons point
de citoyens libres." (p. 144, l.c.)
-----
1*) In der Handschrift: toute
#379# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
271 "The first essential towards production is labour. To play
its part efficiently in this great business, the labour of indi-
viduals must be combined; or, in other words, the labour required
for producing certain results must be distributed among several
individuals, and those individuals thus be enabled to cooperate."
(p. 76, Scrope.)
271 "The principle here referred to is usually called the divi-
sion of labour. The phrase is objectionable, since the fundamen-
tal idea is that of concert and cooperation, not of division. The
term of division applies only to the process; this being subdivi-
ded into several operations, and these being distributed or par-
celled out among a number of operatives. It is thus a combination
of labourers effected through a subdivision of processes."
271 "The effects of the division of labour, and of the use of ma-
chines ... both derive their value from the same circumstance,
their tendency, to enable one man to perform the work of many."
(p. 317.) "It produces also an economy of time, by separating the
work into its different branches, all of which may be carried
into execution at the same moment ... by carrying on all the dif-
ferent processes at once, which an individual must have executed
separately, it becomes possible to produce a multitude of pins
f.i. completely finished in the same time as a single pin might
have been either cut or pointed." ([p.] 319.)
274 "living automatons ... employed in the details of the work",
während der "employer will be always on the stretch to economize
time and labour", (p. 318.)
274 "Cuncta nihilque sumus." "In omnibus aliquid, in toto nihil."
[114]
274 "????' ???????? ????, ????? ?' ???????? ?????" [115]
274 "????? ??? ?' ???????? ???? ??????????? ??????"
275 "????? ???? ??' ???? ?????? ????????". [116]
275 "???? ?? ???? ??? ????? ???? ???????? ?? ??? ??? ????????
????????. ??? ????? ????? ????? ????? ????? ?? ????????? ?????
??? ??? ????? ?????? ?????????? ?? ???? ???????? ???????
????????????? ???? (in den großen Städten auf einen ausgezeichne-
ten Grad vervollkommnet sind), ???? ??? ????? ?????? ???? ?? ????
??????? ???? ???? ??????????? ???????????. '?? ??? ??? ????
??????? ??????? ?? ????? ??????? ?????? (derselbe macht Bettstel-
len), ????? (Türen), ?????? (Pflüge), ???????? (???????? ?' ?
????? ????? ??? ????????? (baut Häuser), ??? ?????? ?? ??? ?????
¦¦161¦ ??????? ????? ??????? ????????? (????????? Lohnherr, der
die Arbeit verdingt) (hinreichend viele Arbeitgeber findet, um
sich zu ernähren) ??????? ???????? ??? ????? ?????????? ????????
????? ????? (gut) ??????) ?? ?? ???? ???????? ?????? ??? ??
??????? ??????? ???????, ????? ??? ??? ?????? ????? ??? ??
????????? (wo es für jeden einzelnen viele Käufer gibt (wo viele
jedes einzelnen bedürfen), ist auch für jeden einzelnen eine
Kunst hinreichend, um ihn zu ernähren. (ernährt auch eine ein-
zelne Kunst ihren Mann.)) ???????? ?? ???' ??? ??? (ja nicht ein-
mal eine ganze), ???' ????????? ????? ? ??? ??????? (Mannsschuhe)
? ?? ?????????. (Weiberschuhe.) ???? ?? ???? ??? ????????? ? ???
???????????, (Nähen der Schuhe) ????? ????????, ? ??, ??????
(Zuschneiden), ? ??, ??????? (Kleider) ????? ?????????
(Zuschneiden),? ?? ??, ?????? ????? ?????, ???? ????????? ?????.
(setzt sie zusammen.) '?????? ???, ??? ?? ????????? ???????????
???? (der, welcher die einfachste Arbeit verrichtet), ?????? ???
?????? ???????????? ????? ??????. (he must needs do the thing
best. gezwungen sein, sie am besten zu liefern.( ?? ????
#380# Anhang und Register
-----
?? ????? ??????? ??? ?? ???? ??? ???????. (Ebenso ist es mit der
Kochkunst.) ?? ??? ??? ? ????? ?????? ?????????? (die Polster
ausbreitet), ???????? ?????? (den Tisch deckt), ?????? (das Brot
knetet), ??? ?????? ?????? ????? (bald diese bald jene Zuspeise
bereitet) ??????, ?????, ?????, ?? ?? ??????? ??????? (wie jedes
gerät) (wie es gerade gerät) ????? ????? (da muß man es so haben,
so hinnehmen, wie es grade gerät.) ???? ?? ?????? ????? ??? ?????
???? (Fleicsch kochen) ???? ????? (braten), ???? ?? ????? ?????,
???? ????? ???? ?????? ?????? (Brot zubereiten), ??? ???? ??????
???????????, ???? ?????, ?? ?? ????? ?????????? (eine beliebte
Art) ???????, ??????, ?????, ????? ???? ????????? ????
??????????? ??????????? ???????. ?? ??? ?? ??? ????? ????????
??????? ????? ???? ???????????? ??????." Bei dieser Zubereitung
hatten die Speisen von der Tafel des Cyrus vor allen den Vorzug.)
(Xenophon, "Cyrop.", ed E. Poppo., Lipsiae 1821, l. VIII. c. II.)
276 "???????? ?????? ... ????? ... ?????? ???????? ???? ???????
??? ????????, ???? ?????? ¦¦162¦ ??????." [369 c.]
276 "??????? ?? ????? (sc ?????) ... ? ??????? ?????" [369 c.]
276 "???? ??? ????? ?? ??? ??????? ??? ?????? ? ??? ??????
????????? ??? ????? ?? ??? ??? ????? ... ??????? ?? ????????,
????? ?' ??????? ??? ??? ????????." [369 d.]
277 "??? ? ????? ??????? ??? ???????? ??????????; ???? ?? ???????
??? ???. ? ?? ?????????, ????? ?? ??? ??????? etc ... ????
??????? ?????? ??? ?? ????? ????? ????? ?????? ???????????, ????
??? ??????? ??? ???? ???????????? ????? ???????? ??? ????????????
?????? ?? ??? ????? ?????????? ???? ????? ?????????, ???
??????????????; ? ?????????? ????? ???? ???????? ????? ??????
?????? ?? ?????? ?? ??????? ????? ??? ??????, ?? ?? ????, ?? ???
??? ?? ?? ?????? ????????? ??????????, ?? ?? ??????, ?? ??
??????????, ??? ?? ?????? ??????????? ???????? ?????, ???' ?????
??' ????? ?? ????? ????????; ... ???? ?????? ? '?????? ... ??????
??? ?????? ?????? ?? ???? ?????? ??????, ???? ???????? ??? ?????,
????? ??' ????? ????? ?????? ... ??????? ??????? ??????? ?? ???
??? ?? ?????? ?????? ???????????, ? ???? ???? ???; ???? ... ???
???? ... ??? ??? ????? ???? ????? ??????, ????????? ... ?? ???
... ?????? ?? ??????????? ??? ??? ?????????? ?????? ??????????,
???' ?????? ??? ????????? ?? ?????????? ???????????? ? ??
???????? ?????. '??????. '?? ?? ?????? ????? ?? ?????? ????????
??? ??????? ??? ????, ???? ??? ?? ???? ????? ??? ?? ?????, ??????
??? ????? ????, ??????." [369 d - 370 c.]
278 "? ??? ???????, ?? ??????, ??? ????? ????????? ????? ??
???????, ?? ?????? ????? ?????, ???? ??????? (Hacke), ???? ?????
?????? ??? ???? ????????. ???' ?? ? ????????? ETC:" [370 c - d.]
278 "??? ?? ????? ... ???? ??? ????? ????????, ?? ?? ??? ??? ???
???????? ?? ???? ?????????????? ???, ??? ?? ??? ??????? ?????
?????? ??? ???? ?????? ?????? ?? ?? ????????? ??? ??? ??????
??????, ??? ????? ?????? ?????? ?????????, ????????? ...
????????." [371 e.]
278 "???????????? ?? ??? ... ???????? ??? ?????? ????? ??????????
?????? ... ?? ???; ... ? ???? ??? ??????? ?????? ?? ??????? ?????
?????; ... '???' ??? ??? ???
#381# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
?????????? ??????????? ???? ??????? ?????????? ????? ??? ????
??????? ???? ?????????, ??? ?? ???? ?? ??? ???????? ????? ?????
????????, ??? ??? ????? ??? ?????? ??????? ?? ??????????, ???? ?
??????? ??????? ??? ??' ? ?????? ??? ???? ?????? ???? ??? ????
???? ??????????? ?? ??????? ???? ??????? ????? ???????????? ?? ??
?? ???? ??? ??????? ??????? ?? ???? ???????? ????? ??
????????????; ... ???????? ?? ????? ?? ??? ... ?????????? ?????
?? ??? ????? ?????? ?????????? ??? ?????? ???????." [374 a - c.
e.] (p. 439-441 passim, l.c.)
280 "travail réglementé et en quelque sorte forcé des ouvriers
soumis au régime des grandes manufactures" [p. 43.]
280 "Le tort des manufactures ... est d'asservir le travailleur
et de le mettre ... lui et sa famille, à la discrétion de
l'ouvrage." [p. 118.] ".. Comparez, par exemple, l'industrie de
Rouen ou de Mulhouse avec celle de Lyon ou de Nîmes. Toutes deux
ont pour objet la filature et le tissage de deux filaments: l'un
de coton, l'autre de soie; et cependant elles ne se ressemblent
en rien. La premiè"e ne s'exerce que dans de vastes éta-
blissements, à coup de capitaux ... avec le secours de véritables
armées de travailleurs; cantonnés, par centaines, par milliers
même, dans d'immenses usines semblables à des casernes, hautes
comme des tours, et criblées de fenêtres comme des meurtrières."
(Schießscharten.) "La seconde, au contraire, est toute patriar-
cale; elle emploie beaucoup de femmes et d'enfants, mais sans les
épuiser ni les corrompre; elle les laisse dans leurs belles val-
lées de la Drôme, du Var, de l'Isère, de Vaucluse, y élever des
vers et dévider" (abhaspeln) "leurs cocons." (Puppen des Seiden-
wurms:) "Jamais elle n'entre dans une véritable fabrique. Pour
être aussi bien observé dans cette industrie que dans la pre-
mière, le principe de la division du travail s'y revêt d'un ca-
ractère spécial. Il y a bien des dévideuses" (Abhaspierinnen),
"des moulineurs" (Seidenspinner, Zwirner), "des teinturiers, des
encolleurs, puis des tisserands; mais ils ne sont pas réunis dans
un même établissement, ne dépendent pas d'un même maître : tous,
ils sont indépendants. Leur capital, qui se compose de leurs ou-
tils, de leurs métiers, de leurs chaudières, est peu important,
mais il suffit pour les mettre avec leur commettants sur un cer-
tain pied d'égalité. Là, pas de règlement de fabriques, pas de
conditions à subir; chacun stipule pour son compte, en pleine li-
berté." (Blanqui aine, "Cours d'Ec. Industrielle", Recueilli etc.
par A. Blaise, Paris (1838"9), p. 44-80 passim.)
281 ¦¦165¦ "Ciascuno prova coli' esperienza, che applicando la
mano e l'ingegno sempre allo stesso genere di opere e di pro-
dotti, egli più facili, più abbondanti e migliori ne trova i
nsultati, di quello che se ciascuno isolatamente le cose tutte a
se necessarie sol-"tanto facesse ... dividendosi in tal maniera
per la comune e privata utilità gh uomini in varie classi e con-
dizioni." ([p.] 28, Cesare Beccaria, "Elementi di Economia Pub-
blica", t. XI, Custodi, Parte Moderna.)
281 "If my neighbour, by doing much with little labour, can seil
cheap, I must contrive to seil as cheap as he." [p. 67.]
282 "décompose un procédé en le réduisant à ses principes consti-
tuants et qui en soumet toutes les parties à l'opération d'une
machine automatique, und dann kann man confier ces mêmes parties
élémentaires à une personne douée d'une capacité ordinaire, après
l'"voir soumise à une courte épreuve". [120]
#382# Anhang und Register
-----
283 "Der auf eine sehr einfache Operation in den Manufakturen Re-
duzierte in Abhängigkeit von dem, der ihn anwenden wollte. Er
produzierte kein vollständiges Werk mehr, sondern nur einen Teil
des Werks, wofür er den concours der Arbeiten andrer ganz so be-
dürfte, wie der Rohstoffe, Maschinerie etc. Seine Lage dem Chef
d'atelier gegenüber subordiniert ... er beschränkte seine demande
auf das nécessaire, sans lequel le travail qu'il offrait n'aurait
pas pu se continuer, tandis que le chef d'atelier profitait seul
de tout l'accroissement des pouvoirs productifs qu'avait opéré la
division du travail." (p. 91, 92, Sismondi, "Nouveauxj
Pr[incipes] etc.", t. I.)
284 "Division of labour shortens the period required for learning
an operation." F. Wayland, p. 76. ("The Elements of Pol. Econ.",
Boston 1843.) "In establishing a manufactory, it is important so
to adjust the number and kind of workmen, that, when the diffe-
rent operations of a process have been assigned to different per-
sons, these persons may be in such proportions as exactly and
fully to employ each other. The more perfectly this is accomplis-
hed, the greater will be the economy and, this having been once
ascertained, it is also evident that the establishment cannot be
successfully enlarged, unless it employ multiples of this number
of workmen." (p. 83, l.c.)
284 "Chaque ouvrier se trouve avoir une grande quantité de son
travail dont il peut disposer, outre ce qu'il en applique à ses
propres besoins; et comme les autres ouvriers sont aussi dans le
même cas, il est à même d'échanger une grande quantité des mar-
chan"ises fabriquées par lui contre une grande quantité des
leurs, ou, ce qui est la même chose, contre le prix de ces mar-
chandises. [121]
284 "Easy labour is only transmitted skill." (Th. Hodgskin,
"Popul. Polit. Economy", London 1827, p. 48.)
284 "Pour diviser le travail et distribuer les forces des hommes
et des machines de la manière la plus avantageuse, il est néces-
saire, dans une foule de cas, d'opérer sur une grande échelle, ou
en d'autres termes de produire les richesses par grandes masses.
"'est cet avantage qui donne naissance aux grandes manufactures."
("Elem. d'Ec. Pol.", James Mill traduit par J.T.Parisot, Paris
1823 [, p. 11].)
285 "The greater the cost of the product, the smaller will be the
number of persons who are able to purchase it. Hence, the less
will be the demand; and hence, also, the less opportunity will
there be for division of labour. And, besides, the greater the
cost of the article, the greater amount of capital is required in
order to produce it by division of labour ... Hence it is, that
division of labour is but sparingly used in the manufacture of
rich jewelry, and in articles of expensive luxury; while it is so
universally used in the production of all articles of common use.
Hence we see, that the benefits of the use of natural agents and
of division of labour, are vastly greater and more important to
the middling and lower classes than to the rich. These means of
increased production, reduce the cost of the necessaries and of
the essential conveniences of life to the lowest rate, and, of
course, bring them, as far as possible, within the reach of all."
([p.] 86, 87, F. Wayland, "The Elements of Pol. Econ. ", Boston
1843.)
285 "There is a certain density of population which is conveni-
ent, both for social intercourse, and for that combination of po-
wers by which the produce of labour is increased." ([p.] 50, Ja-
mes Mill, "El. of Pol. Ec.", London 1821.)
#383# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
286 "There is no longer any thing which we can call the natural
reward of individual labour. Each labourer produces only some
part of a whole, and each part, having no value or utility of
itself, there is nothing on which the labourer can seize, and
say: it is my product, this 1 will keep for myself." (p. 25,
[Thomas Hodgskin,] "Labour defended against the claims of Capital
etc. ", London 1825.)
286 "Le progrès de la richesse a amené le partage des conditions
et celui des professions; ce n'est plus le superflu de chacun qui
a été l'objet des échanges, mais la subsistance elle-même ...
dans cet état nouveau, la vie de tout homme, qui travaille et qui
p"oduit dépend non de la complétion et de la réussite de son tra-
vail, mais de sa vente. " (p. 82, 1.1, Sism., "Etudes".)
286 "The greater productiveness of human industry, and the dimi-
nished price of the necessaries of life, conspire to swell pro-
ductive capital in modern times." ([p. 88,] 89, S. P. Newman,
"Elements of Polit. Econ.", Andover and New York 1835.)
287 "Labour is united ... whenever employments are divided ...
The greatest division of labour takes place amongst those excee-
dingly barbarous savages who never help each other, who work se-
parately from each other; and division of employment, with all
its great results, depends altogether on combination of labour,
cooperation." (p. 24, Wakefield, Note t.I zu seiner Ausgabe von
A.Smith, "Wealth of Nations", London 1835.)
288 "Improved methods of conveyance, like railroads, steam ves-
sels, canals, all means of facilitating intercource between di-
stant countries act upon the division of labour in the same way
as an actual increase in the number of people; they bring more
labourers into communication etc." [p. 119.]
288 "As the number of labourers increases, the productive power
of society augments in the compound ratio of that increase, mul-
tiplied by the effects of the division of labour and the increase
of knowledge." (p. 120, l.c.)
288 "Ce n'est qu'à l'aide d'un surcroît de capital, que
l'entrepreneur d'un genre d'ouvrage quelconque pourra ... établir
entre ses ouvriers une division de travail plus avantageuse.
Quand l'ouvrage à faire est composé de plusieurs parties, pour
tenir chaque "uvrier constamment occupé à remplir sa partie, il
faut un capital beaucoup plus étendu que lorsque chaque ouvrier
est employé indifféremment à toutes les parties de l'ouvrage, à
mesure qu'elles sont à faire." (A. Smith, ["Recherches",] I. II,
ch. III [, p. 338/339].)
288 "Quant à la puissance de produire, elle ne peut s'augmenter
dans un même nombre d'ouvriers, qu'autant que l'on multiplie ou
que l'on perfectionne les machines et ins- trumens qui facilitent
et abrègent le travail, ou bien qu'autant que l'on établit une
mei"leure distribution ou une division mieux entendue du tra-
vail." (I.e. [, p. 338].)
288 "Le propriétaire du capital qui alimente un grand nombre
d'ouvriers, tâche nécessairement, pour son propre intérêt, de si
bien combiner entr'eux la division et la distribution des tâches,
qu'ils soient à même de produire la plus grande quantité possible
"'ouvrage. Par le même motif il s'applique à les fournir des
meilleures machines dont lui ou eux peuvent s'aviser. Ce qui a
lieu parmi les ouvriers d'un atelier particulier, se trouve avoir
lieu pour la même raison parmi ceux de la grande société. Plus
leur nombre est grand, plus ils tendent naturellement à se parta-
ger en différentes classes et à subdiviser
#384# Anhang und Register
-----
leurs tâches. Il y a un plus grand nombre de têtes qui s'occupent
à inventer les machines les plus propres à exécuter la tâche dont
chacun est chargé, et dès-lors il y a d'autant plus de probabili-
tés que l'on viendra à bout de les inventer." (ch. VIII, 1.1, [p.
177/178,] A. Smith.)
288 "La société tout entière a cela de commun avec l'intérieur
d'un atelier, qu'elle aussi a sa division du travail. Si l'on
prenait pour modèle la division du travail dans un atelier mo-
derne, pour en faire l'application à une société entière, la so-
ciété la mi"ux organisée pour la production des richesses serait
incontestablement celle qui n'aurait qu'un seul entrepreneur en
chef, distribuant la besogne selon une règle arrêtée d'avance aux
divers membres de la communauté. Mais il n'en est point ainsi.
Tandis que dans l'intérieur de l'atelier moderne la division du
travail est minutieusement réglée par l'autorité de
l'entrepreneur, la société moderne n'a d'autre règle, d'autre au-
torité, pour distribuer le travail que la libre ¦¦171¦ concur-
rence." (p. 130, [Karl Marx,] "Misère de la Philosophie", Paris
1847). "Sous le régime patriarcal, sous le régime des castes,
sous le regime féodal et corporatif, il y avait division du tra-
vail dans la société entière selon des règles fixes ... Quant à
la division du travail dans l'atelier, elle était très-peu déve-
loppée dans"toutes ces formes de la société. On peut même établir
en règle générale, que moins l'autorité préside à la division du
travail dans l'intérieur de la société, plus la division du tra-
vail se développe dans l'intérieur de l'atelier, et plus elle y
est soumise à l'autorité d'un seul. Ainsi, l'autorité dans
l'atelier et celle dans la société, par rapport à la division du
travail, sont en raison inverse l'une de l'autre." (p. 130, 131,
I.e.) "L'accumulation et la concentration d'instruments et de
travailleurs précéda le développement de la division du travail
dans l'intérieur de l'atelier ... Le développement de la division
du travail suppose la réunion des travailleurs dans un atelier.
... U"{\fldrslt}}hommes et les instruments réunis, la division du
travail telle qu'elle existait sous la forme des corporations se
reproduisait, se reflétait nécessairement dans l'intérieur de
l'atelier." ([p.] 132, 133, I.e.) "La concentration des instru-
ments de production et la division du travail sont aussi insépa-
rables l'une de l'autre que le sont, dans le régime politique, la
concentration des pouvoirs publics et la divison des intérêts
privés." (p. 134, l.c.)
292 "Observez", beginnt dieser Schluß, "dans un pays civilisé et
florissant, ce qu'est le mobilier d'un simple journalier ou du
dernier des man"uvres, et vous verrez que le nombre des gens dont
l'industrie a concouru pour une part quelconque à lui fournir ce
mobilier, est au-delà de tout calcul"possible. La veste de laine,
par exemple, qui couvre ce journalier, toute grossière qu'elle
paraisse, est le produit du travail réuni d'une innombrable mul-
titude d'ouvriers" etc. [p. 25.]
292 "Entre le mobilier d'un prince d'Europe et celui d'un paysan
laborieux et rangé, il n'y a peut-être pas autant de différence
qu'entre les meubles de ce dernier et ceux de tel roi qui règne
sur dix mille sauvages nus, et qui dispose en maître absolu de
leur liberté et de leur vie." [p. 28.]
292 "If we trace the most flourishing nations in their origin, we
shall find, that, in the re- mote beginnings of every society,
the richest and most considérable men among them were a great
while destitute of a great many comforts of life that are now en-
joyed by
#385# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
the meanest and most humble wretches; so that many things which
were once looked upon as the inventions of luxury are now allowed
even to those that are so miserably poor as to become the objects
of public charity ... A man would be laughed at that should dis-
cover luxury in the plain dress of a poor creature that walks
along in a thick parish gown, and a coarse shirt underneath it;
and yet what a number of people, how many different trades, and
what a variety of skill and tools must be employed to have the
most ordinary Yorkshire cloth?" etc. (Remark, P., vol. I, p. 181-
183, ed. of 1724.) "What a bustle is there to be made in several
parts of the world before a fine scarlet or crimson cloth can be
produced; what multiplicity of trades and artificers must be em-
ployed! Not only such as are obvious, as woolcombers, spinners,
the weaver, the cloth-worker, the scourer, the dyer, the setter,
the drawer, and the packer; but others that are more remote, and
might seem foreign to it,- as the mill-wright, the pewterer, and
the chemist, which yet all are necessary, as well as a great num-
ber of handicrafts, to have the ¦¦174¦ tools, utensils, and other
implements belonging to the trades already named."
294 "In some parts of the Highlands of Scotland, not many years
ago, every peasant, according to the Statistical Accounts, made
his own shoes of leather tanned by himself. Many a shepherd and
cottar too, with his wife and children, appeared at church in
clothes which had been touched by no hands but their own, since
they were shorn from their sheep and sown in their flaxfields. In
the preparation of these, it is added, scarcely a single article
had been purchased, except the awl, needle, thimble, and a very
few parts of the iron work employed in the weaving. The dyes,
too, were chiefly extracted by the women from trees, shrubs, and
herbs." ("Lectures on Pol. Ec.", v. 1, l.c.)
295 "Lorsque A.Smith écrivit son ouvrage immortel sur les élé-
ments de l'économie politique, le système automatique d'industrie
était encore à peine connu. La division du travail lui parut avec
raison le grand principe du perfectionnement en manufacture ...
Mais ce qui pouvait servir d'exemple utile du temps du docteur
Smith ne serait propre aujourd'hui: qu'à induire le public en er-
reur relativement au principe réel de l'industrie moderne ... Le
dogme scolastique de la division du travail selon les différents
degrés d'habileté a enfin été exploité par nos manufacturiers
éclairés." (Andrew Ure, "Philosophie des manufactures etc.", t.
I, ch. I.) (1835 zuerst erschienen.)
295 1. "Il" (A. Smith) "en conclut donc que l'on peut naturelle-
ment approprier à chacune de ces opérations un ouvrier dont le
salaire corresponde à son habileté. C'est cette appropriation qui
est l'essence de la division du travail."
295 "distribution, ou plutôt l'adaptation des travaux aux différ-
entes capacités individuelles".
296 "Le travail qui nourrit, habille et loge la totalité des ha-
bitans d'un pays, est une charge imposée à la société en masse,
mais que nécessairement elle rejette sur une partie seulement de
ses membres." (p. 2, l.c.)
296 "et plus par conséquent il y aura de travail employé à les
produire, à les préparer" (die Lebensmittel überhaupt), "à les
rapprocher des consommateurs. Dans le même tems, cependant, et
par une suite de ces mêmes progrès, la classe de gens délivrés de
ces travaux manuels augmente dans sa proportion avec l'autre
classe. Celle-ci a donc à la
#386# Anhang und Register
-----
fois, et plus de gens à pourv"ir, et une provision plus abondante
et plus travaillée à fournir à chacun d'eux. Aussi, à mesure que
la société prospère, c. à d., qu'elle augmente en industrie, en
commerce, en population etc. ... l'homme voué à une profession
mécanique a moins de tems à épargner. Plus la société s'enrichit,
plus le tems de l'ouvrier a de valeur" (ist vielmehr d. valeur)
"... Ainsi, plus la société avancera vers un état de splendeur et
de puissance, moins la classe ouvrière aura de tems à donner à
l'étude et aux travaux intellectuels et spéculatifs." (p. 2-4.)
296 "D'un autre côté, moins la classe ouvrière a de tems pour ex-
ploiter le domaine de la science, plus il en reste à l'autre
classe. Si les hommes de cette dernière classe peuvent se livrer
avec suite et assiduité aux observations philosophiques ou aux
compos"tions littéraires, c'est parce qu'ils sont dégagés de tout
soin, quant à la production, confection ou transport des objets
de leur subsistance journalière, et parce que d'autres se sont
chargés pour eux de ces opérations mécaniques. Comme toutes 1*)
les autres divisions du travail, celle entre le travail mécanique
et le travail intellectuel se prononce d'une manière plus forte
et plus tranchante à mesure que la société avance vers un état
plus opulent. Cette division, comme toutes' les autres, est un
effet des progrès passés et la cause des progrès à venir ... Le
gouvernement doit-il donc travailler à contrarier cette division
du ¦¦177¦ travail, et à la retarder dans sa marche naturelle?
Doit-il employer une portion du revenu public pour tâcher de con-
fondre et de mêler deux classes de travail qui tendent d'elles-
mêmes à se diviser?" (p. 4, 5, 1. c.)
298 "In every stage of society, as increased numbers and better
contrivances add to each man's power of production, the number of
those who labour is gradually diminished ... Property grows from
the improvement of the means of production; its sole business is
the encouragement of idleness. When each man's labour is barely
sufficient for his own subsistence, as there can be no property"
{capital}, "there will be no idle men. When one man's labour can
maintain five, there will be four idle men for one employed in
production: in no other way can the produce be consumed ... the
object of society is to magnify the idle at the expense of the
industrious, to create power out of plenty. ... the industry
which produces is the parent of property; that which aids con-
sumption is its child ... It is the growth 2*) of property, this
greater ability to maintain idle men, and unproductive industry,
that in political economy is called capital." (p. 11 - 13, Piercy
Ravenstone, M[aster of] A[rts], "Thoughts on the Funding System,
and its effects", London 1824.)
299 "Moins nombreuse est la population exploitante, et moins elle
est à charge à ceux qu'elle exploite." ([p.] 69, t.I, Colins,
"L'Econ. Polit. Source des Révolutions et des Utopies prétendues
socialistes", Paris 1856.) "Si par progrès social, vers le mal,
on comprend l'augmentation de la misère résultant d'un plus grand
nombre de la classe exploitante; et, d'un plus petit nombre dans
la classe exploitée, il y a eu, du 15 au 19 siècle, progrès so-
cial, vers le mal." ([p.] 70, 71, l.c.)
299 "The class of capitalists are from the first partially, and
then become ultimately completely
-----
1*) In der handschrift: tous - 2*) in der Handschrift: consumtion
is its child ... The growth
#387# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
discharged from the necessity of manual labour. Their interest is
that the productive powers of the labourers they employ should be
the greatest possible. On promoting that power their attention is
fixed, and almost exclusively fixed. More thought is brought to
bear on the best means of effecting all the purposes of human in-
dustry; knowledge extends, multiplies its fields of action, and
assists industry." (Rich. Jones, "Textbook of Lectures on the
Pol. Econ. of Nations", Hertford 1852.) (Lecture III [, p. 39].)
299 "The employer will be always on the stretch to economize time
and labour." (Dug. Stewart, p.318, I.e.) "Ces spéculateurs si
économes du travail des ouvriers qu'il faudrait qu'ils payas-
sent." (J.N. Bidaut, "Du Monopole qui s'établit dans les arts in-
dustriels et le commerce", Paris 1828, p. 13.)
299 "The numerical increase of labourers has been great, through
the growing substitution of female for male, and above all chil-
dish for adult labour. Three girls at 13, at wages of 6 to 8 sh.
a week, have massenweise replaced the one man of mature age, at
wages varying from 18 to 45 sh." ([p.] 147, Note, [De] Quincey,
Thomas, "The Logic of Polit. Economy", Edinburgh] 1844.)
299 "L'économie sur les frais de production, ne peut être autre
chose que l'économie sur la quantité de travail employé pour pro-
duire." (Sismondi, "Etudes etc.", t. I, p. 22.)
300 "+ mesure que le travail vient à se subdiviser, la quantité
de matières qu'un même nombre de personnes peut mettre en "uvre
augmente dans une grande proportion; et comme la tâche de chaque
ouvrier se trouve successivement réduite à un plus grand degré de
simplicité, il arrive qu'on invente une foule de nouvelles machi-
nes pour faciliter et abréger ces tâches."
300 "+ mesure donc que la division du travail va en s'étendant,
il faut, pour qu'un même nombre d'ouvriers soit constamment oc-
cupé, qu'on accumule d'avance une égale provision de vivres et
une provision de matières et d'outils plus forte que celle qui
aurait eté necessaire dans un état de choses moins avancé. Or le
nombre des ouvriers augmente en général dans chaque branche
d'ouvrage, en même temps qu'y augmente la division de travail, ou
plutôt c'est l'augmentation de leur nombre qui les met à portée
de se classer et de se subdiviser de cette manière." (p. 193"94,
t. II, A.Smith.) (B. II, "Introduction".)
300 "De même que le travail ne peut acquérir cette grande exten-
sion de puissance productive, sans une accumulation préalable de
capitaux, de même l'accumulation des capitaux amène naturellement
cette extension. La personne qui emploie son capital à faire
tra"ailler, cherche nécessairement à l'employer de manière à ce
qu'il fasse produire la plus grande quantité possible d'ouvrage:
elle tâche donc à la fois d'établir entre ses ouvriers la distri-
bution de travaux la plus convenable, et de les fournir des meil-
leures machines qu'elle puisse imaginer ou qu'elle soit à même de
se procurer. Les moyens pour réussir dans ces deux objets, sont
proportionnés en général à l'étendue de son capital ou au nombre
de gens que ce capital peut tenir occupés. Ainsi non seulement la
quantité d'industrie augmente dans un pays à mesure de
l'accroissement du capital qui la met en activité, mais encore,
par une suite de cet accroissement, la même quantité d'industrie
produit une beaucoup plus grande quantité d'ouvrage." (p.
194/195.)
301 ¦¦181¦ "Not beyond a fourth part of our whole population pro-
vides everything which is consumed by all." ([p.] 14, Th. Hodgs-
kin, "Popular Polit. Econ.", Lond[on] 1827.)
#388# Anhang und Register
-----
301 "L'économie sordide qui le "(le journalier) "suit des yeux
avec inquiétude, l'accable des reproches au moindre relâche qu'il
paroît se donner, et s'il prend un instant de repos, elle prétend
qu'il la vole." (p.466, v. II, S.N. Linguet, "Théorie des Loix
1*) Civiles", Londres 1767.)
301 "Dans les progrès que fait la division du travail,
l'occupation de la trèsmajeure partie de ceux qui vivent de tra-
vail, c.à.d., de la masse du peuple, vient à se borner à un très-
petit nombre d'opérations simples, très souvent à une ou deux.
Or, l'intell"gence de la plupart des hommes se forme nécessaire-
ment par leurs occupations ordinaires. Un homme dont toute la vie
se passe à remplir un petit nombre d'opérations simples, dont les
effets sont aussi peut-être toujours les mêmes ou très-approchant
les mêmes; n'a pas lieu de développer son intelligence ni
d'exercer son imagination à chercher des expédiens pour écarter
des difficultés, qui ne se rencontrent jamais; il perd donc natu-
rellement l'habitude de déployer ou exercer ces facultés, et de-
vient en général aussi stupide et aussi ignorant qu'il soit pos-
sible à une créature humaine de le devenir; l'engourdissement de
ses facultés morales ... l'uniformité de sa vie sédentaire cor-
rompt naturellement et abat son courage ... elle dégrade même
l'activité de son corps, et le rend incapable de déployer sa
force avec quelque vigueur et quelque constance, dans tout autre
emploi que celui auquel 2*) il a été élevé. Ainsi sa dextérité
dans son métier particulier est une qualité qu'il semble avoir
acquise aux dépens de ses qualités intellectuelles, de ses vertus
sociales et de ses dispositions guerrières. Or, cet état est ce-
lui dans lequel l'ouvrier pauvre, c.à.d. la masse du peuple doit
tomber nécessairement dans toute société civilisée et avancée en
industrie ... Il n'en est pas ainsi dans les sociétés qu'on ap-
pelle communément barbares: celles de peuples des chasseurs, des
pasteurs et même des agriculteurs, dans cet état informe de
l'agriculture qui précède le progrès des manufactures et
l'extension du commerce étranger. Dans ces sociétés, les occupa-
tions variées de chaque individu l'obligent à exercer sa capacité
par des efforts continuels etc. ... Quoique, ¦¦182¦ dans une so-
ciété agreste, les occupations de chaque individu ne laissent pas
que d'être fort variées, avec cela il n'y a pas une grande va-
riété d'occupations dans la société en général. ... Dans un état
civilisé, au contraire, quoiqu'il y ait peu de variété dans les
occupations de la majeure partie des individus, il y a une
presqu'infinie dans celles de la société en général." [p. 181-
184.]
305 "That what we call evil in this world 3*), moral as well as
natural, is the grand principle that makes us sociable creatures,
the solid basis, the life and support of all trades and em-
ployments without exception; there we must look for the true ori-
gin of all arts and sciences; and the moment evil ceases the so-
ciety must be spoiled, if not totally destrayed."! [129]
312 "during any meal time which shall form any part of the hour
and a half allowed for meals no child, young person, or female
shall be employed or allowed to remain in any room in which any
manufacturing process is then carried on; and all the young
-----
1*) In der Handschrift: Lois - 2) in der Handschrift: celui ou -
3*) in der Handschrift: work
#389# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
persons and females shall have the time for meals at the same pe-
riod of the day." ("Factory Report for the half year ending
31s'Oct. 1861":) "The bleachers complain of the required unifor-
mity of meal times for them, on the plea that whilst machinery in
factories may be stopped without detriment at any moment, and if
stopped the production is all that is lost, yet in the various
operations of singeing, washing, bleaching, mangling, calendering
and dyeing, none of them can be stopped at a given moment without
risk of damage ... to enforce the same dinner hour for all the
workpeople might occasionally subject valuable goods to the risk
of danger from incomplete operations." (l.c., p.21, 22.)
313 "Nous rencontrons chez les peuples parvenus à un certain de-
gré de civilisation, trois genres de divisions d'industrie: la
première, que nous nommerons générale, amène la distinction des
producteurs en agriculteurs, manufacturiers et commerçans, elle
se rap"orte aux trois branches principales d'industrie nationale;
la seconde, que l'on ¦¦189¦ pourrait appeler spéciale, est la di-
vision de chaque genre d'industrie en espèces. C'est ainsi, par
exemple, que dans l'industrie primitive on doit distinguer la vo-
cation du laboureur de celle de l'ouvrier des mines etc. La 3ème
division d'industrie, celle enfin que l'on devrait qualifier du
titre de division de besogne ou de travail proprement dit, est
celle qui s'établit dans les arts et métiers séparés, et qui con-
siste en ce que plusieurs ouvriers partagent entre eux les beso-
gnes qu'il faut remplir pour confectionner un même objet
d'utilité et de commerce, chacun d'eux n'ayant qu'une espèce de
travail à remplir, qui n'a point pour résultat la confection to-
tale de l'objet fabriqué, et ce résultat n'ayant lieu que par la
réunion de la besogne de tous les ouvriers qui sont occupés de
son confectionnement. Telle est la division de besogne qui
s'établit dans la plupart des manufactures et des ateliers, où
l'on voit un plus ou moins grand nombre d'ouvriers occupés à pro-
duire une seule espèce de marchandise, tous remplissant des beso-
gnes différentes." (p. 84-86, t. I, F. Skarbek, "Théorie des ri-
chesses sociales", 2. éd., Paris 1839.) "La troisième espèce de
division d'industrie est celle qui se fait dans l'intérieur même
des ateliers ... s'établit du moment qu'il y a des capitaux de-
stinés à établir des manufactures et des chefs d'ateliers qui
font toutes les avances nécessaires pour f"ire travailler des ou-
vriers, et qui peuvent, au moyen de leurs fonds, attendre la
rentrée des frais employés à confectionner les produits qu'ils
fournissent à l'échange." (p. [94,] 95, l.c.)
313 "On doit encore remarquer que cette division partielle de
travail peut se faire, quand même les ouvriers sont occupés d'une
même besogne. Des maçons, par exemple, occupés à faire passer de
mains en mains des briques à un échafaudage supérieur, font tous
l" même besogne, et pourtant il existe parmi eux une espèce de
division de travail, qui consiste en ce que chacun d'eux fait
passer la brique par un espace donné, et que tous ensemble la
font parvenir beaucoup plus promptement à l'endroit marqué,
qu'ils ne le feraient si chacun d'eux portait sa brique séparé-
ment jusqu'à l'échafaudage supérieur." (l.c., p.97, 98.)
(Skarbek.)
314 "It is questionable, if all the mechanical inventions yet
made have lightend the day's toil of any human being."
314 "Articles are cheap, but they are made of human flesh."
([John Barnard Byles,] "Sophisms of Free trade", London 1850, 7.
edit., p. 202.)
#390# Anhang und Register
-----
314 ¦¦196¦ "Simultaneously, however, with the increase of numbers
has been the increase of toil. The labour performed by those en-
gaged in the processes of manufacture, is three times as great as
in the beginning of such operations. Machinery has executed no
doubt, the work that would demand the sinews of millions of men;
but it has also pro digiously multiplied the labour of those who
are governed by its fearful movements." ("Ten hours' Factory
Bill. Lord Ashley's Speech", Lond[on] 1844, p. 6. [90])
316 "Dans l'enfance de la mécanique un atélier de construction
offrait à l'"il la division des travaux dans leurs nombreuses
gradations; la lime, le foret, le tour, avaient chacun leurs ou-
vriers par ordre d'habileté; mais la dextérité des limeurs et des
foreur" est maintenant remplacée par des machines à raboter, à
couper les rainures des arbres pour recevoir les coins, et à fo-
rer; et celle des tourneurs en fer et en cuivre, par le tour à
support automatique." (p. 30, 31, Ure, t. I, l.c.)
320 /201/ "La division du travail et l'emploi des machines puis-
santes ne sont possibles que dans les établissements, qui offrent
un travail suffisant à toutes les classes de travailleurs et qui
donnent des grands résultats. Plus le produit est considérable et
moins est élevée la dépense proportionnelle en instruments et ma-
chines. Si deux machines de mêmes forces produisaient, dans le
même espace de temps, l'une 100000 mètres, l'autre 200 000 mètres
de la même étoffe, vous pouvez dire que la première machine coûte
le double de la seconde, que dans l'une de ces entreprises on a
employé un capital double de celui qui est employé dans l'autre."
(p. 334, Rossi, "Cours d'Econ. Politique.")
322 "Ricardo spricht von ,a portion of the labour of the engineer
in making machines'" als enthalten z. B. in ein Paar Strumpfen,
"yet the total labour that produced each single pair of stoc-
kings, if it is of a single pair we are speaking, includes the
whole labour of the engineer, not a portion; for one machine ma-
kes many pairs, and none of those pairs could have been done wi-
thout any part of the machine." ([p.] 54, "Observations on cer-
tain verbal disputes in Pol. Ec.", London 1821.)
323 "Nach Baines a first rate cottonspinning factory cannot be
built, filled with machinery, and fitted with the steam engines
and gasworks, under 100 000 l. A steamengine of 100 horse power
will turn 50 000 spindles, which will produce 62 500 miles of
fine cotton thread per day. In such a factory 1000 persons will
spin as much thread as 250 000 persons could without machinery."
(S. Laing, "The national distress", London 1844, p. 75.)
326 "It is evident that the long hours of work were brought about
by the circumstance of so great a number of destitute children
being supplied from the different parts of the country" (aus den
workhouses), "that the masters were independent of the hands, and
that, having once established the custom by means of the mi-
serable materials which they procured in this way, they could im-
pose it upon their neighbours with the greater facility."
(Fielden, J., "The Curse of the Factory System", London 1836 [,
p. 11].)
326 "'Mr. E., a manufacturer informed me that he employs females
exclusively at his powerlooms; it is so universally; gives a de-
cided preference to married females, especially those who have
families at home dependent on them for support; they are atten-
tive,
#391# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
docile, more so than unmarried females, and are compelled to use
their utmost exertions to procure the necessaries of life.' Thus
are the virtues, the peculiar virtues, of the female character to
be perverted to her injury, - thus all that is most dutiful and
tender in her nature is to be made the means of her bondage and
suffering!" (p. 20, "Ten Hours Factory Bill The Speech of Lord
Ashley", London 1844. [90])
327 "As improvements in machinery have gone on, the avarice of
masters has prompted many to exact more labour from their hands
than they were fitted by nature to perform." (Fielden, l.c., [p.]
34.)
329 "The difference between the hours of work usual over the
whole world in cotton factories and other employments rührt aus
zwei Gründen her. 1. the great proportion of fixed to circulating
capital, which makes long hours of work desirable." (p. 11, Se-
nior, "Letters on the Factory Act etc.", Lond[on] 1837.) (XI,
(p.] 4 [137].)
329 "the motives to long hours of work will become greater, as
the only means by which a large proportion of fixed capital can
be made profitable. 'When a labourer', said Mr. Ashworth to me,
'lays down his spade, he renders useless, for that period, a
capital worth 18 d. When one of our people leaves the mill, he
renders useless a capital that has cost 100 000 [138] l.'" ([p.]
14, l.c.)
329 "Une machine à vapeur ou autre, qui ne travaillent que quel-
ques heures ou quelques jours par semaine, sont des forces per-
dues. Si elles travaillent toute la journée, elles produisent da-
vantage, et plus encore si elles travaillent nuit et jour. "
(J.G. Courcelle- Seneuil, "Traité Théorique et pratique des en-
treprises industrielles etc.", 2. éd., Paris 1857, p. 48.)
330 /206/ "It is self-evident, that, amid the ebbings and
flowings of the market, and the alternate contractions and expan-
sions of demand, occasions will constantly recur, in which the
manufacturer may employ additional floating capital without em-
ploying additional fixed capital. ... if additional quantities of
raw material can be worked up without incurring an additional ex-
pense for buildings and machinery." (p. 64, Torrens, R., "On Wa-
ges and Combination", London 1834.)
331 "The labour now undergone in the factories is much greater
than it used to be, owing to the greater attention and activity
required by the greatly increased speed which is given to the ma-
chinery that the children have to attend to, when we compare it
with what it was 30 or 40 years ago." (p. 32, J. Fielden, "The
Curse of the Factory System ", Lond[on] 1836.)
331 "The labour performed by those engaged in the processes of
manufacture, is 3 times as great as in the beginning of such ope-
rations. Machinery has executed, no doubt, the work that would
demand the sinews of millions of men; but it has also prodig-
iously multiplied the labour of those who are governed by its
fearful movements." (l.c., [p.] 6.) "In 1815, the labour of fol-
lowing a pair of mules spinning cotton yarn of Nos.40 - reckoning
12 hours to the working day - involved a necessity for walking 8
miles. In 1832, the distance travelled in following a pair of mu-
les spinning cottonyarn on the same numbers, was 20 miles, and
frequently more."
331 "But the amount of labour performed by those following the
mules, is not confined
#392# Anhang und Register
-----
merely to the distance walked. There is far more to be done. In
1835, the spinner put up daily on each of these mules 820 stret-
ches; making a total of 1640 stretches in the course of the day.
In 1832, the spinner put upon each mule 2200 stretches, making a
total of 4400. In 1844, according to a return furnished by a
practised operative spinner, the person working puts up in the
same period 2400 stretches on each mule, making a total of 4800
stretches in the ¦¦203¦ course of the day; and in some cases, the
amount of labour required is even greater." (p. 6, 7.)
331 "I have a document here, signed by 22 operative spinners of
Manchester, in which they state that 20 miles is the very least
distance travelled, and they believe it to be still greater. I
have another document sent to me in 1842, stating that the labour
is progressively increasing - increasing not only because the di-
stance to be travelled is greater, but because the quantity of
goods produced is multiplied, while the hands are, in proportion,
fewer than before; and, moreover, because an inferior species of
cotton is now often spun, which it is more difficult to work."
(p. 8, 9, l.c.)
332 "In the carding room" (der Kardierstube) "there has been also
a great increase of labour - one person there does the work for-
merly divided between two. In the weaving room where a vast num-
ber of persons are employed, and principally females ... the la-
bour has increased, within the last few years, fully 10 per cent,
owing to the increased speed of the machinery. In 1838, the num-
ber of hanks spun per week was 18000; in 1843 it amounted to
21000. In 1819, the number of picks in powerloom weaving per mi-
nute was 60 - in 1842 it was 140, showing a vast increase of la-
bour, because more nicety and attention are required to the work
in hand." (p. 9.)
332 "A man's profit does not depend upon his command of the pro-
duce of other men's labour, but upon his command of labour
itself. If he can sell" (beim Steigen der moneyprices der Ware)
"his goods at a higher price, while his workmens' wages remain
unaltered, he is clearly benefited by the rise, whether other
goods rise, or not. A smaller proportion of what he produces is
sufficient to put that labour into motion, and a larger propor-
tion consequently remains for himself." (p. 49, 50, [John Caze-
nove,] "Outlines of Polit. Economy" (von einem Malthusian)
"etc.", London 1832.)
332 "the labour of children, young persons, and women is unre-
stricted".
332 "printing, bleaching und dyeing works, in welchen bis 1860
the hours of work remain now the same as they were 20 years
since, in which the protected classes under the Factory acts are
at times employed 14 and 15 hours per day."
333 "The great improvements that have been made in machinery, of
all kinds, have vastly improved their productive powers, impro-
vements to which a stimulus was doubtless given, especially as
regards the greater speed of the machines in a given time, by the
restrictions of the hours of work. These improvements, and the
closer application which the operatives are enabled to give, have
had the effect ... of as much work being turned off in the shor-
tened times as used to be in the longer hours." ([p.] 10,
"Factory Reports. For the half year ending October 31, 1858") cf.
("Reports for the half year ending 30,h April 1860", p. 30 sqq.)
#393# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
333 Calico printing, dyeing and Fiustian dyeing. 61 hour
bleaching, 60 hours per week per week
1839 1859 1839 1859
Colour mixer 35 s. 32 Dressers 18 22
Machine printer 40 38 Bleachers 21 18
Foreman 40 40 Dyers 21 16
Block Cutter 35 25 Finishers 21 22
Block printer 40 28
Dyer 18 16
Washer an
labourer 16 and 15 -ditto
("Factory Reports. For Half Year ending 30 April 1860", p. 32)
333 "All things being equal, the English manufacturer can turn
out a considerably larger amount of work in a given time than a
Foreign manufacturer, so much as to counterbalance the difference
of the working days, between 60 hours a week here and 72 or 80
elsewhere; and the means of transport in England enable the ma-
nufacturer to deliver his goods upon a railway, almost at his
factory, whence they may be almost directly shipped for exporta-
tion." ([p.] 65, "Reports of Insp. of Factories", 31 Oct. 1855,
Lond[on] 1856.)
334 "In fact one class of manufacturers" (da sie nicht two sets
of half times, 6 Stunden arbeitende Kinder unter 13 Jahren anwen-
den wollen), "the spinners of woollen yarn, now rarely employ
children under 13 years of age, i.e. half-times. They have intro-
duced improved and new machinery of various kinds, which altoge-
ther supersedes the necessity of the employment of children,
f.i., as an illustration, by the addition of an apparatus, called
a piecing machine, to existing machines, the work of 6 or 4 half-
times, according to the peculiarity of each machine, can be per-
formed by one young person ... the halftime system had some share
in stimulating the invention of the piecing machine." (p. 42, 43,
"Ffactory] Reports for the half year ending 31 Oct. 1858",
Lond[on] 1858.)
334 "The facts thus brought out by the Return appear to be that
the Factory system is increasing rapidly; that although the same
number of hands are employed in proportion to the horse power as
at former periods there are fewer hands employed in proportion to
the machinery, that the steam engine is enabled to drive an in-
creased weight of machinery by economy of force, and other me-
thods, and that an increased quantity of work can be turned off
by improvements in machinery, and in methods of manufacture, by
increased speed of the machinery, and by a variety of other cau-
ses." (p. 20, "Fact. Reports for the half year ending 31st Oct.
1856.") "In dem Report for October 1852, Mr. Horner, quotes ... a
letter from Mr. Jas. Nasmyth, the eminent civil engineer, of Pa-
ticroft, near Manchester, explaining the nature of recent impro-
vements in the steamengine, whereby the same engine is made to
perform more work with a diminished consumption of fuel ... 'It
would not be very easy to get an exact return as to the increase
of performance or work done by the identical engines to which
some or all of these improvements have been applied; I am confi-
dent, however, that could we obtain
#394# Anhang und Register
-----
an exact return, the result would show, that from the same weight
1*) of steam-engine machinery, we are now at least obtaining 50
per cent more duty or work performed on the average, and that ...
in many cases, the identical steam-engines which, in the days of
the restricted speed of 220 feet per minute, yielded 50 horsepo-
wer, are now yielding upwards of 100.'" [140]
335 "The return of 1838 2*)", sagt Horner ("Reports", 31 Oct.
1856), "gave the number of steamengines and of waterwheels, with
the amount of horsepower employed. At that time the figures re-
presented a much more accurate estimate of the actual power em-
ployed than do the figures in the returns either of 1850 or 1856.
The figures given in the Returns are all of the nominal power of
the engines and wheels, not of the power actually employed or ca-
pable of being employed. The modern steamengine of 100 horsepo-
wers is capable of being driven at a much greater force than for-
merly, arising from the improvements in its construction, the ca-
pacity and construction of the boilers etc., and thus the nominal
power of a modern manufacturing steamengine cannot be considered
more than an index from which its real capabilities are to be
calculated." (p. 13/14, l.c.)
335 "Der Turnout der Lancashire workmen in the building trade"
(1833) "has introduced a curious application of the steamengine.
Diese Maschine nun in einigen Städten angewandt, statt manual la-
bour, in hoisting the various building materials to the top of
the edificies where they are intended to be used." ([p.] 109,
[Tufnell,] "Character, Object and Effects of Trades' Unions
etc.", Lond[on] 1834.)
336 "sous l'influence oppressive de ces mêmes confédérations des-
potiques""43'
336 "Ainsi la horde des mécontents, qui se croyaient retranchés
d'une manière invincible derrière les anciennes lignes de la di-
vision du travail, s'est vue prise en flanc, et ses moyens de dé-
fense ayant été annulés par la tactique moderne des machinistes,
elle"a été obligée de se rendre à discrétion. " (p. 142, 1. c.)
336 "Die häufigste Ursache der strikes in dem cotton trade war
die Einführung verbesserter Maschinerie und speziell das enlarge-
ment of mules, wodurch die Zahl der spindles a spinner is capable
of superintending, has been continually increasing ... a master
on the introduction solcher verbesserten Maschinerie in seinem
établissement stipuliert mit seinen Spinnern ihnen less per piece
zu zahlen, aber doch zu solcher Rate, daß, owing to the greater
power of the machine, ihre wöchentlichen earnings steigen statt
zu fallen ... Aber dieser bargain injurious to the masters and
men in the manufacturies where the improved machine is not intro-
duced." ([p.] 17, 18.) ([Tufnell,] "Character, objet and effects
of Trades' Unions etc. ", Lond[on] 1834.) "1829 a serious tur-
nout. A little before this time, several masters had erected mu-
les, carrying from 4-500 spindles, which enabled the spinners who
worked at them to receive a less sum in the proportion of 3"4 for
a given quantity of work, and zu gleicher Zeit to earn at least
an equal amount of wages with those who were employed on the old
machinery. 21 mills and 10 000 persons were thrown idle for 6
months durch diesen
-----
1*) In der Handschrift: receipt - 2*) in der Handschrift: 1828
#395# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
strike." (p. 19, l.c.) "Der strike" (1833) "bei Messrs Hindes and
Derham" (Westriding of Yorkshire), "verursachte die invention of
a wool-combing-machine, which wholly superseded the labour of
that class of men, who were the chief ringleaders in this affair;
and which has struck a blow at their combination, that it can ne-
ver recover." (p. 61, 62.)
337 ¦¦207¦ So as "the introduction of steam as an antagonist to
human power". (P. Gaskell (Surgeon), "Artisans and Machinery
etc.", Lond[on] 1836, p. 23.) "The surplus hands werden die ma-
nufacturers befähigen to lessen the rate of wages: but the cer-
tainty that any considerable reduction would be followed by imme-
diate immense losses from turnouts, extended stoppages, and va-
rious other impediments which would be thrown in their way, makes
them prefer the slower process of mechanical improvement, by
which, though they may triple production, they require no new
men." (1. c., p. 314.)
337 "The factory operatives should keep in wholesome remembrance
the fact that theirs is really a low species of skilled labour;
and that there is none which is more easily acquired or of its
quality more amply remunerated, or which, by a short training of
the least expert can be more quickly as well as abundantly sup-
plied ... The master's machinery really plays a far more impor-
tant part in the business of production than the labour and skill
of the operative, which 6 month's education can teach, and a com-
mon labourer can learn." (p. 17, 19, "The Master Spinners and Ma-
nufacturers' Defence Fund. Report of the Committee appointed for
the receipt and apportionment of this fund to the Central Asso-
ciation of Master Spinners and Manufacturers", Manchester 1854.)
337 "Lorsque le capital enrôle la science à son service, la main
rebelle de l'industrie apprend toujours à être docile." [144]
337 "La nécessité d'agrandir les métiers à filer, nécessité créée
par les décrets des associations d'ouvriers, a donné depuis peu
une impulsion extraordinaire à la science mécanique ... En dou-
blant la grandeur de son métier mull-jenny, le propriétaire peut
"e défaire des ouvriers médiocres ou mutins, et redevenir maître
chez lui, ce qui est un grand avantage." (Ure, t. II, p. 134.)
Dieses expédient tende "à élever, ou du moins à maintenir les ga-
ges de chaque fileur, mais en diminuant le nombre d'ouvriers né-
cessaires pour la même quantité d'ouvrage; de manière que ceux
qui étaient occupés, prospéraient, tandis que la masse des ou-
vriers en pâtissait." ([p.] 133, 134.) (l.c.) "L'homme de fer ...
création destinée à rétablir l'ordre parmi les classes industri-
elles. " (p. 138.)
338 "Die ersten manufacturers, who had to trust entirely to hand
labour, were subjected periodically to severe immediate losses
durch den refractory spirit of their hands, who timed their op-
portunity, when the market were particularly pressing, to urge
their claims ... a crisis was rapidly approaching, die den pro-
gress of manufacturers would have checked, when steam and its ap-
plication to machinery at once turned the current against the
men." ([p.] 34, 35, Gaskell, l.c.)
338 "Trades Unions in their desire to maintain wages endeavour to
share in the profits of improved machinery ... sie verlangen hö-
heren Lohn, weil labour is abbreviated ... in arideren Worten:
sie streben to establish a duty on manufacturing improvements."
(p. 42.) ("On combination of Trades", New Edit., London 1834.)
"Das Prinzip zu adjustieren wages to the supposed profits of the
employer, das involviert ist in der Forderung höherer
#396# Anhang und Register
-----
Remuneration von verbesserter Maschinerie, ist durchaus inadmis-
sable. Die Applikation dieses Prinzips ist indes nicht auf irgend
eine Art des Profits beschränkt. Die Färber, 7. August 1824, tur-
ned out; sie statuierten in einem Placard, daß ihre Meister an
increase of price for dyeing erhalten hätten, more than adequate
to the advance they claim ... wages ändern so ihren Charakter
ganz und absorbieren entweder den Profit, oder werden eine ad va-
lorem Taxe auf Profite." (p. 43, 44, l.c.)
339 "Was jetzt durch die Verbeßrung in der Spinnmaschine gewonnen
wurde, rührte nicht her von an increase in the rate of payment
for labour, sondern from a market generally understocked, and a
constantly increasing production of yarn, which enabled them to
work fall hours." (Gaskell, l.c., p.27.) Dies ein Hauptresultat
der Maschinerie, "diese Möglichkeit, fortgesetzt full hours to
work in the same department".
339 "It was an average days' work to separate a pound of cotton
fiber perfectly from the seed ... Whitney's invention enabled the
owner of his gin to separate the seed completely from [100]
pounds the fibres per day to the hand, the efficiency of the gin
since increased." [1461]
339 "The next evil in India is one which one would scarcely ex-
pect to find in a country which exports more labour than any
other in the world, with the exception perhaps of China and Eng-
land - the impossibility of procuring a sufficient number of
hands to clean the cotton. The consequence of this is that large
quantities of the crop are left unpicked, while another portion
is gathered from the ground, where it has fallen, and of course
discoloured and partially rotten, so that for want of labour at
the proper season, the cultivator is actually forced to submit to
the loss of a large part of that crop, for which England is so
anxiously looking." ("Bengal Hurkaru", Bi-Monthly Overland Sum-
mary of News, 22nJ Juli 1861.) "A common churka worked by a man
and woman turned out 28 lbs daily. Dr.Forbes' Churca worked by 2
men and a boy turns out 250 lbs daily." ("Bombay Chamber of Com-
merce. Report for 1859"60", p. 171) "16 of these" (last named ma-
chines), "driven by bullocks, would clean a ton of cotton per
day, which was equal to the ordinary days' work of 750 people."
("Paper read before the Society of Arts", on the I7'h April
1861.lm)
340 "The demand for cheap" (woollen in dem Westriding of
Yorkshire) "goods has given an immense impulse to this kind of
manufacture, the economy of which consists not so much in impro-
ved machinery and labour-saving processes, as in the employment
of an inferior staple and woollen rags, brought again, by power-
ful machinery, to the original condition of wool, and then either
spun into yarn for inferior cloths, or mixed with new wool, spun
into yarn for better kinds of cloths. This manufacture prevails
nowhere to so great an extent as in England, although it is con-
siderable in Belgium." ([p.] 64, "Reports of Inspectors of Facto-
ries for 31 Oct. 1855", London 1856.)
340 "There is frequently a great saving of materials, as in the
change from making boards with the adze, to that of making them
with the saw; and again the labor of natural agents is so much
cheaper, that many articles which would otherwise have been
worthless, are now deserving of attention, as they may now be
profitably endowed with some form of value." ([p.] 72, 73, F.
Wayland, "The Elements of P. E.", Boston 1843.)
#397# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
340 "Quando si perfezionano le arti, che non è altro che la sco-
perta di nuove vie, onde si possa compiere una manifattura con
meno gente o" (che è lo stesso) "in minor tempo di prima."
(Galiani, "Deila Moneta", p. 158 [, 159], Castodi, Parte Mo-
derna.)
340 "Je considère donc les machines comme des moyens d'augmenter"
(virtuellement) "le nombre de gens industrieux qu'on n'est pas
obligé de nourrir." Ebenso fragt er daselbst: "En quoi l'effet
d'une machine diffère-t-il de celui de nouveaux habitants?"
341 "Wäre P.s objection ... ,l'ouvrier ne peut pas racheter son
propre produit' [149]" (wegen des intérêt, das darauf geschla-
gen), "wahr, sie träfe nicht nur die profits du capital; elle
anéantirait la possibilité même de l'industrie. Si le travailleur
est forcé de payer 100 la chose pour laquelle il n'a reçu que 80,
si le salaire ne peut racheter dans un produit que la valeur,
qu'il y a mise, autant dire que le travailleur ne peut rien ra-
cheter" {also selbst wenn er the whole value wieder erhält qu'il
a mise dans le produit, that is to say, if there exists no profit
and no other form of surplusvalue expressing surpluslabour; und
mit solcher Vorstellung glaubt Forcade to understand anything
whatever of political economy! Proudhons Blödsinn der, daß er
glaubt, der Arbeiter müsse mit dem Geld, das er erhält (als Sa-
lair), höhren Warenwert racheter als in dem Geld enthalten ist,
oder die Ware würde über ihrem Wert verkauft, weil Profit etc. im
Verkauf realisiert ist. Aber nun gar Forcade, der die Industrie
für unmöglich erklärt, sobald le salaire ne peut racheter dans un
produit que la valeur que le travadleur y a mise. Die kapitali-
stische Industrie umgekehrt unmöglich, si le salaire suffit à ra-
cheter dans un produit toute la valeur y mise par le travailleur.
Dans ce cas là, il n'y aurait pas de survalue, ni profit, ni in-
térêt, ni rente, ni capital. In fact : F.s Bemerkung bezieht sich
nicht nur auf den "travailleur", sondern auf die Produzenten
überhaupt.} "que le salaire ne peut rien payer." (Also in fact
der allgemeine Satz: si le producteur ne peut racheter dans un
produit que la valeur qu'il y a mise, le producteur ne peut rien
payer. Nämlich, weil die Ware außer der zugesetzten Arbeit kon-
stantes Kapital enthält.) "En effet, dans le prix de revient, il
y a toujours quelque chose de plus que le salaire" (dies schon
höchst pöbelhaft. Er will sagen, toujours quelque chose de plus
que le dernier travail ajouté à, et réalisé dans la marchandise),
"z.B. le prix de la matière première souvent payé à l'étranger
..." (Und wenn nicht payé à l'étranger, ändert das nichts an der
Sache. Der Einwurf, der ¦¦211¦ auf grobem Mißverständnis beruht,
bleibt derselbe. Der Witz der: das Quantum von dem Gesamtprodukt,
das das Salair zahlt, contains no particle of value due to the
value of the rawmaterial etc., although every single commodity,
considered for itself, is composed of the value due to the last
labour added and to the value of the raw materials etc. indépen-
dant of that labour. Dasselbe gilt von dem ganzen part des pro-
duce, das sich auflöst in surplusvalue. (Profit etc.) As to the
value of the constant capital it is replaced either by itself, in
natura, or by exchange with other forms of constant capital.)
"P[roudhon] a oublié l'accroissement continuel du capital natio-
nal; il a oublié que cet accroissement se constate pour tous les
travailleurs, ceux de l'entreprise comme ceux de la main d'"uvre.
" ([p.] 998, 999, "Revue des Deux Mondes", tome 24, Paris 1848,
Forcade, Eugène.)
342 "a ratio of greater inequality is diminished, and of less in-
equality increased, by adding any quantity to both its terms"
#398# Anhang und Register
-----
344 "Die invention und knowledge geht notwendig der Teilung der
Arbeit voraus. Die Wilden haben gelernt to make bows and arrows,
to catch animals and fish to cultivate the ground and weave cloth
before some of them dedicated themselves exclusively to making
these instruments, to hunting, fishing, agriculture and weaving
... the art of working in metals, leather or wood, was unquestio-
nably known to a certain extent, before there were smiths, sho-
emakers und carpenters. In very modern times, steamen- gines and
spinning mules were invented, before some men made it their chief
or only business to manufacture mules and steam engines." ([p.]
79, 80.)
344 "Important inventions sind das result of the necessity to la-
bour and of the natural increase of population. Sind z. B. die
spontaneous fruits aufgegessen, so wird der Mensch Fischer etc."
([p.] 85.)
344 "Necessity is the mother of invention; und die continual exi-
stence of necessity can only be explained by the continual in-
crease of people. Z.B. der rise im price of cattle verursacht
durch increase of people and by an increase in their manufactu-
ring or other produce. Der rise im price des cattle leads to cul-
tivating food for them, augmenting manure and occasioning that
increased quantity of produce, das in diesem Lande fast 1/3."
([p.] 86, 87.) "Niemand zweifelt, daß die rapid communication
zwischen den ver- schiednen Teilen des Landes contributes both to
the increase of knowledge and wealth ... Numbers of minds are in-
stantly set to work even by a hint; und jede discovery is in-
stantly appreciated und fast ebenso rasch verbessert. Die chances
of improvement groß im Verhältnis als die persons arc multiplied
whose attention is devoted to any particular subject. Das in-
crease in the number of persons produces the same effect as com-
munication; denn die letztre wirkt nur by bringing numbers to
think on the same subject." ([p.] 93/94.)
344 "D'abord Teilung der Arbeit zwischen den Geschlechtern in der
Familie. Dann die Altersverschiedenheiten. Dann peculiarities of
constitution. The difference of sex, of age, of bodily and mental
power, or difference of organization, is the chief source of di-
vision of labour, and it is continually extended in the progress
of society by the different tastes, dispositions, and talents of
individuals, and their different aptitudes for different employ-
ments." ([p.] 111 sqq.) "Außer der Differenz der aptitude in
denen, die work, gibt es different aptitudes and capacities in
the natural instruments they work with. Diversities of soil, cli-
mate and situation, and peculiarities in the spontaneous produc-
tions of the earth, and of the minerals contained in its bowels,
adapt certain spots to certain arts ... territorial division of
labour." ([p.] 127 sqq.)
344 "1. 'Extent of market' ... the commodity produced by one la-
bourer ... constitutes in reality and ultimately the market for
the commodities produced by other labourers; and they and their
productions are mutually the market for one another ... the ex-
tent of the market muß bedeuten die number of labourers und their
productive power und mehr die erstre als die letztere ... As the
number of labourers increases, the productive power of society
augments in the compound ratio of that increase, multiplied by
the effects of the division of labour and the increase of know-
ledge ... Improved methods of conveyance, wie rail-roads, steam-
vessels canals, all means of facilitating intercourse between di-
stant countries wirken auf die Teilung der Arbeit wie an actual
increase
#399# Fremdsprachige Zitate
-----
in the number of people-, they bring more labourers into communi-
cation miteinander oder more produce to be exchanged." ([p.] 115
sqq.)
345 "Mit dem Fortschritt der Wissenschaft verschwindet diese
scheinbare Grenze. Namentlich Maschinerie verrückt sie. The ap-
plication of steamengines to working pow- erlooms enables one man
to perform the operations of several; or to weave as much cloth
as 3 or 4 persons can weave by the handloom. This is a complica-
tion of employments ... aber dann folgt wieder subsequent simpli-
fication. ... so perpetual renewal of occasions for the farther
division of labour." ([p.] 127 sqq.)
345 "Durch die cupidity der capitalists etc. constant tendency to
extend the number of working hours, and thus by augmenting the
supply of labour, to lessen its remuneration ... Zu demselben Re-
sultat drängt the increase of fixed capital For where so great a
value is lodged in machinery, buildings etc., the manufacturer is
strongly tempted not to let so much stock lie idle and, there-
fore, will employ no workmen who will not engage to remain for
many hours during the day. Hence also the horrors of night labour
practised in some establishments, one set of men arriving as
others depart." ([p.] 102, G. Ramsay, "An Essay on the Distribu-
tion of Wealth", Edinburgh 1836.)
352 "Im Fortschritt der Kultur all, and perhaps more than all the
capital and labour which once loosely occupied 500 acres, are now
concentrated for the more complete tillage of 100." (p. [190,]
191, R.Jones, "An Essay on the Distrib. of Wealth etc.", part I,
"On Rent", Lond[on] 1831.) "Die cost 24 bushels auf 1 acre zu
ziehn, kleiner als die war 24 auf 2 zu ziehn; das concentrated
space" {diese Konzentration des Raums auch wichtig in der Manu-
faktur. Jedoch hier noch wichtiger die Anwendung des gemein-
schaftlichen motor etc. In der Agricultur, obgleich, relatively
to the amount of capital and labour employed, space is concentra-
ted, it is an enlarged sphere of production, as compared to the
sphere of production formerly occupied or worked upon by one sin-
gle, independent agent of production. Die Sphäre ist absolut grö-
ßer. Hence the possibility of employing horses etc.}, "worauf die
operations der husbandry ausgeführt, must give some advantages
and save some expense; the fencing, draining, seed, harvest work
etc., less when confined to one acre etc." (l.c. [,p.] 199.)
353 "Though the health of a population is so important a part of
the national capital, we are afraid it must be said that the
class of employers of labour have not been the most forward to
guard and cherish this treasure. 'The men of the West Riding'"
(zitiert die "Times" aus dem "Report des Registrar General" für
October 1861"571), "'became the clothiers of mankind, and so in-
tent were they on this work, that the health of the workpeople
was sacrificed, and the race in a few generations must have dege-
nerated. But a reaction set in. Lord Shaftesbury's Bill limited
the hours of children's labour etc.' The consideration of the he-
alth of the operatives was" (setzt die "Times" hinzu) "forced
upon the millowners by society." [158]
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